2009年4月27日星期一

《华尔街日报》发表我的博客上关于布绒朗仁波切的文章




《华尔街日报》在今天发表了我的博客上关于布绒朗仁波切之案的文章http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124077714927756947.html。这篇文章见http://woeser.middle-way.net/2009/04/421.html,由自由撰稿人Paul Mooney先生翻译,发表时有修改。


OPINION ASIA
APRIL 26, 2009, 4:55 P.M. ET

Justice Denied for TibetansThe 'trial' of a monk highlights Beijing's repression.

By WOESER | From today's Wall Street Journal Asia

Before dawn on the morning of May 18, 2008, the authorities cut off all forms of communications in the small rural town -- telephones, mobile phones, the Internet and even roads in and around the area. At around 6 a.m., more than 1,000 members of the People's Liberation Army, People's Armed Police and local and special police units prepared to make their assault on a small house. Around the same time, more than 4,000 soldiers and police divided up to surround and take control of two nearby nunneries.

Their target? Buramna Rinpoche, a 52-year-old Living Buddha and head of Pangri and Yatseg nunneries in Kardze, a Tibetan county of Sichuan province. The story of this religious leader, who operated a home for the elderly and took care of orphans and handicapped children, is symptomatic of Beijing's heavy-handed treatment of Tibetans. It also explains why the so-called Tibet question is not going to disappear any time soon.

The joint military-police unit easily forced its way into the house, where authorities say they discovered a rifle, a pistol and more than 100 rounds of ammunition hidden under a bed in the living room. The monk was arrested under charges of possessing illegal firearms and ammunition. He was also later charged with the illegal occupation of state land.

The arrest more likely is connected to an incident that had occurred four days earlier, when 80 nuns from the Pangri and Yatseg nunneries took to the streets to carry out a peaceful protest against the Chinese government's "patriotic education" campaign, which pressured Tibetans to denounce the Dalai Lama, Tibet's spiritual leader who now lives in exile in India. These religious women peacefully handed out leaflets and shouted slogans criticizing the campaign, but according to an eyewitness with whom I've spoken several thousand military and police were mobilized to deal with the protest, in which many of the women were severely beaten and arrested.

The authorities apparently believed that the nuns had acted upon the instructions of Mr. Buramna, as he is responsible for both nunneries. So from that day on, his every movement was monitored.

Mr. Buramna was transferred after his arrest to the Luhuo County Detention Center. There, according to his lawyer, he was handcuffed to a railing for four days and kept awake day and night by two guards. During these four days, he says he was tortured and police threatened to arrest his wife and son if he did not sign a confession to possessing illegal weapons. Under such duress, Mr. Buramna signed and made a thumbprint on a confession admitting to the charges. He later recanted this "confession" in court.

Mr. Buramna's family hired two Chinese lawyers from Beijing to defend him. The two, Li Fangping and Jiang Tianyong, are well-known human rights defenders. Mr. Jiang was one of 21 Chinese lawyers who signed a public statement on April 1, 2008, offering to provide legal defense to Tibetans who were arrested in connection with protests that broke out in March 2008 in Tibetan areas throughout China. The government has threatened to close the law firms, or revoke individual lawyers' licenses, if these lawyers involve themselves in the Tibet issue, Human Rights Watch has reported.

On the morning of April 21, the trial opened in Kangding County, a one- to two-day drive away, rather than Kardze County, Mr. Buramna's hometown and scene of the alleged crime, apparently to prevent local Tibetan monks and lay people from protesting outside the courtroom. Mr. Buramna appeared in court wearing the bright yellow and crimson red robes of a Tibetan monk. Seven members of his family, including his wife and son, were in the court, some crying throughout the trial. Speaking in Chinese, Mr. Buramna denied the alleged crimes, arguing in particular that the weapons and ammunition found at his home had been planted there to frame him.

Mr. Buramna's lawyers say they were allowed only limited access to their client before trial and they were not allowed to access all the court documents related to the case, which limited their ability to cross-examine witnesses. Even so, they noted at trial that the court did not investigate the source of the firearms and ammunition, and even failed to check for fingerprints. They argued that the monk's living room was a public place that saw a large number of people coming and going, and that anyone could have hidden the weapons there. They stated further that an examination of documents related to the land used for the elderly people's home, which the government said was occupied illegally, showed the site was not state-owned.

The lawyers repeated the monk's assertion that he was tortured for four days and was forced to sign the confession under duress, which would make it invalid for use as a basis for conviction. No verdict was handed down at the end of the hearing, the court saying it would announce the sentence at another date. If convicted, Mr. Buramna will face a prison term of between five and 15 years.

Yet Beijing would be wrong to think that will be the end of the matter. The incident has led to widespread anger among Tibetans in the area. On the morning of Mr. Buramna's arrest, a number of monks and ordinary people in Kardze held a demonstration demanding his release; they were surrounded by the police and beaten, according to the same witness who saw the nuns' original protest. The elderly residents in his welfare institution also tried to protest, but according to the same source, their home was surrounded by the police. In June, there were more protests seeking his release, and several people were beaten and arrested.

Mr. Buramna's trial is the first of a major religious leader to be held since last year's disturbances in Tibetan areas. It's a sad commentary on the situation that one can say that at least this trial is being held in public. But such trials will not bring stability to the area. The nuns whose protest seems to have sparked this case acted spontaneously, and their protest had nothing to do with Mr. Buramna. They, and all Tibetans, want justice in their region. Putting Mr. Buramna in jail will only increase that thirst.

Ms. Woeser, a Tibetan poet, writer and blogger, lives in Beijing. This article was translated from the Chinese by Paul Mooney.

2 条评论:

  1. 我只是讨厌屈服(柴静专栏)熊培云 @ 2009-4-27

    鄂尔多斯。吴保全案。一篇旧文。

    10:03,北京市第一中级人民法院。

    郝劲松坐在原告的位子上开口说话,“审判长,通知我的开庭时间是10:00,被告迟到,我是否能得到合理解释?”

    审判长看他一眼,说“现在你先听从法庭的程序”,冲书记员挥了下手。

    书记员立刻跑出去大声叫“北京地铁公司!北京地铁公司!”

    片刻,两位男士夹着公文包,匆匆入门,在被告席上落座。

    原被告双方目光交汇的一刹那,法庭非常安静。我明白了郝劲松为什么说“不管你有多强大,包括一个国家部委,当你被告上法庭的时候,你是被告,我是原告,大家坐在对面,中间是法官。你和我是平等的”

    这是一场关于五角钱的官司,他在地铁使用了收费厕所,认为这收五角钱不合理。所以把北京地铁公司告上法庭。

    两年多,他打了7场这样的官司—他在火车餐车上买一瓶水,要发票。

    列车员都笑了“火车自古没有发票”。

    他于是起诉铁道部,国家税务总局,。。。一次一次。

    “在强大的力量面前人们往往除了服从别无选择,但是我不愿意。”他说。“我要把他们拖上战场,我不一定能赢,但我会让他们觉得痛,让他们害怕有十几二十几个象我这样的人站出来,让他们因为害怕而迅速地改变。”

    “钱数这么小,很多人觉得失去它并不可惜”我说。

    “今天你可以失去获得它的权利,你不抗争,明天你同样会失去更多的权利,人身权,财产权,包括土地、房屋。中国现在这种状况不是偶然造成的,而是长期的温水煮青蛙的一个结果,大家会觉得农民的土地被侵占了与我何干?火车不开发票,偷漏税与我何干?别人的房屋被强行拆迁与我何干?有一天,这些事情都会落在你的身上。”

    “但是一个人的力量能改变什么呢?”

    “看看罗莎,帕克斯,整个世界为之改变”他说。

    帕克斯是美国的一个黑人女裁缝,1955年12月1日,在蒙哥马利市,42岁的她在一辆公共汽车上就座。按照当时的惯例,美国南部公共汽车上实行种族隔离,座位分为前后两部分,白人坐前排,黑人坐后排。

    那天晚上人很挤,白人座位已占满,有白人男子要求坐在黑人部分最前排的她让座,遭到了拒绝。

    当司机要求乃至以叫警察恐吓黑人让座时,坐在前排的其它三个黑人站了起来,唯独帕克斯倔强地牢坐不起。

    如果是一个孩子或是老人,也许她会站起来,但这次,她厌烦了她和其它美国黑人每天在生活中所受到的不公平对待,

    她说:“我只是讨厌屈服”。

    她成了50年代美国第一个拒绝给白人让座的黑人。然后她因公然藐视白人而遭逮捕。

    她的被捕引发了蒙哥马利市长达381天的黑人抵制公交车运动,组织者是当时仍名不见经传的一名牧师马丁·路德·金,这个名字后来被冠以反种族隔离斗士和诺贝尔和平奖得主的荣誉。这场运动的结果,是1956年最高法院裁决禁止公车上的“黑白隔离”,帕克斯从此被尊为美国“民权运动之母”。

    事实上,她并没有组织或领导50年前那场民权运动,她只是在适当的时刻表现了一个平凡人的勇气,而这种勇气迫使整个国家重新审视并改变了原有的社会道德体系。

    五十年后,美国国务卿赖斯说“没有她,我不可能站在这里”

    “你以谁的名义在诉讼?”我问郝劲松。

    “公民。”

    “公民和普通人的区别是什么?”

    “能独立地表达自己的观点,却不傲慢,对政治表示服从,却不卑躬屈膝。能积极的参与国家的政策,看到弱者知道同情,看到邪恶知道愤怒,这我认为他才算是一个真正的公民。”

    他打赢铁路发票的官司后,很多人以为他会和铁路结下梁子。

    但他说起他乘车时,乘务长会亲自端来饭菜,问他“发票你现在要还是吃完再说?”

    呵呵。

    “你靠什么赢得尊重?”我问。

    “靠我为了自己权利所做的斗争。权利是用来伸张的,否则权利只是一张纸。”他说。

    我停顿了一下,问他最后一个问题“你想要一个什么样的世界?”

    这个34岁的年青人说,“我想要宪法赋予我的那个世界。”

    © 【若非特别声明,本文首发于思想国@21世纪评论网站(http://www.21pinglun.com)或思想国巴黎站(http://www.sixiangguo.com),网媒转载请注明出处;平媒转载请联系xiongpeiyun@yahoo.fr。】

    回复删除
  2. 牛13阿,都被华尔街日报引了呢!稿费大大的吧?g够你锝色廖~

    回复删除