2015年3月26日星期四

唯色:国际母语日谈“维稳”与藏语

图为2010年10月19日,青海省黄南藏族自治州一千多名藏族学生示威游行,喊出:民族平等、语言自由。据悉,学生们举行抗议的理由是反对同仁县政府关于《学校需要进行汉语教学和将藏文科目翻译成中文,并在五年内将所有藏文课目都翻成中文进行教学的改革提纲》的有关文件,当时学生们都统一高呼:“我们不同意这项决定!”


国际母语日谈“维稳”与藏语


文/唯色

221日是国际母语日。中文维基百科介绍:国际母语日(又译世界母语日)定为每年的221日,由联合国教科文组织于1999年提出倡议,从2000年起,每年的221日为“世界母语日”。目标是向全球宣传保护语言的重要,促进母语传播的运动,避免地球上大部分的语言消失。

每年的国际母语日都有其历史主题,如2012年是“母语教学和全纳教育”;2013年是“书籍,母语教育的媒介”;2014年是“当地语言促进世界公民意识:聚焦科学”;而今年,即2015年的历史主题是“以语言为手段和内容的全纳教育-语言至关重要”。显而易见,强调的是母语的教育。因为没有教育,母语便会消失。

我注意到在微信上,年轻的藏人们在转发分别用藏文和中文写的一篇短文:《写在国际母语日:维稳与母语》。作者是年轻的藏人知识分子、安多热贡人索南旺杰。他首先介绍了中国官媒发表题为《国际母语日:进一步推广语言保护意识》的专题文章,其中提到“保护民族语言,有利于人类文明的传承和发展,也有利于民族团结、社会安定”,接着,他直言不讳地写道:

“反照目前藏区基层的母语保护实践,特别是青海黄南等藏族自治州,在民间层面发起的保护活动均被认为是‘借母语保护之名义而行藏独活动之实’,是否果真在借名义搞活动,或者组建母语保护协会是否纯粹出自民众的文化自觉与对语言命运的忧虑,这已然不是相关单位关心的事宜。截至目前,所有民间发起的母语保护活动均被视为非法,相关组织人员先后被拘留、处罚、问询,‘母语’结结实实地成为当地的敏感词,大街小巷都贴有《带有藏独性质的16种违法行为》的告示,这其中就将‘母语保护、语言平等’的民间吁告列入违法行为,但告示中并未写明判定这16种行为违法行为的法理依据。”

作为体制内人士,索南旺杰向中国政府苦口婆心地强调:“毋庸置疑,维稳维的是民心,抗击‘藏独’或‘分裂势力’,归根结底是一个争取民心的斗争。就语言而言,它是一个民族存在的家,党委政府如若重视语言权利,必然是为防止‘分裂势力’的渗透铸造了一道坚壁的墙。……维稳既要稳民心,就必得因势利导,才能疏川导滞,以维护民心来维护社会稳定,因此,落实和尊重民族语言的宪法赐予的庄严法权,去‘母语’问题的政治化,不仅与少数民族一道保护她们的母语,更加为少数民族语言文字的发展创造条件,不但是一个现代国家法定的责任,也是最有效保障民心的策略。”

不过,对于一个极权专制政权,它会认为:只有去少数民族的“母语”,才是真正的“维稳”。


20152

(本文为自由亚洲电台藏语广播节目,转载请注明。)

2015年3月24日星期二

3月22日,《西藏火凤凰》新书发表会在台北


【鳳凰涅槃,浴火重生】——唯色《西藏火鳳凰》新書發表會

三月(22日),唯色新書《西藏火鳳凰》,由大塊文化出版,在台北水牛書店舉辦新書發表會,由達賴喇嘛西藏宗教基金會董事長達瓦才仁,以及廢死聯盟執行長林欣怡主持。

唯色持續六年紀錄藏人自焚事件,連同自焚藏人名單、抗議概況和遺言收錄書中。書名取意鳳凰涅槃,浴火重生,封面由艾未未設計,潔淨如西藏潔白的哈達,中間一朵火焰,燙上所有自焚藏人的名字。

唯色記述,藏人自焚是延續二零零八年的抗議:抗議中共壓制藏傳佛教的信仰,強推「愛國主義思想教育」,在寺院佛殿乃至僧舍掛中國國旗和中共領導人肖像;大肆開採西藏高原,強迫成千上萬的牧民遷移到城鎮邊緣;消㓕藏族語言,如青海省制訂「漢語為主,藏語為輔」的教育改革政策;加速漢人移民藏區,給予移民特殊的扶持;在全藏發展無孔不入的監控體系。三月爆發遍及全藏地的本土抗議遊行,中共派軍警血腥鎮壓,無數藏人被殺、被捕、被判刑、被失踪。(1)

自此抗爭無法形成群體模式,絕望的個體便自焚抗命。唯色解釋,藏人的佛教信仰,以及尊者達賴喇嘛一直開示非暴力原則,對整個民族形成強大的約束力,「點燃自己但不攻擊他人,自己慘死卻不與兇手同歸於盡。」(2)

從二零零九年至二零一四年十二月二十三日,己知有一百四十名藏人自焚,當中大多數是青壯年,平均年齡約二十七歲。(3)

自焚換來更嚴厲迫害。二零一二年中共啓動由上而下「反自焚專項鬥爭」(4),推行連坐式的「嚴打」整治。五月開始,藏人進入朝聖終點拉薩,需要辦「進藏許可證明」,而中國旅客僅憑著一張身份證就可以走遍處處設防的藏地。(5)

台灣特派記者:Daniel Cheung

(1)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<藏人為何抗議>,頁22-27。
(2)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<抗議為何走向自焚>,頁31。
(3)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<藏人自焚概況>,頁13。
(4)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<中國當局的「反自焚運動」>,頁81。
(5)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<進藏路上的檢查站>,頁207。

(转自:樂文書店-1100[唯色《西藏火鳳凰》新書發表會]台北市水牛書店瑞安店)                                                            感谢从现场发来以下图片的朋友:

   
                           
                         
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         

2015年3月20日星期五

唯色RFA博客:被置于护照困境的藏人

转自网络:白玛娜珍博客截图。

被置于护照困境的藏人

文/唯色

前些日子,南华早报的记者从香港打电话问我:藏族作家白玛娜珍在微博上说藏族的私人护照被全民没收上交三年了,有这回事吗?

其实这是一个对我、对所有藏人来说,不成问题的问题。因为,事实即如此,现实即如此。可是,不单单外媒记者不了解,新浪微博上那些经常进藏旅游的大V们,也扮吃惊状问:有这事?对于许多中国人,藏人得不到护照或者护照被没收、扣押,都是闻所未闻的事情。

作为西藏作家协会副主席的白玛娜珍,这次算是捅破了一层窗户纸。她的在体制内有一定地位的身份,显然佐证了她的发言。2月24日,她在新浪微博上写道:

“我们藏族为什么不能出国旅游?我们的私人护照为什么被全民没收上交已有三年了,为什么还不发还我们?西藏地方政府的这种行为是违反国家宪法的,执法机关为什么不管?全中国人民都可以出国旅游,藏族人民为什么不可以?!请大家帮助我们呼吁!并祝新年快乐!扎西德勒!”

我告诉南华早报记者,首先,按中国行政区划,藏区分布于五省区(即青海省、四川省、甘肃省、云南省和西藏自治区),各藏区政策虽有所不同,但在申请办理护照方面,藏人基本上都得不到。当然也有得到护照的藏人,却是极少数的,用了很多办法的。而这些办法,对于申请护照就像网购一样轻松的许多中国人而言,称得上是匪夷所思的潜规则。

早在九年前,我写过一篇文章:《藏人为何舍命逃印度?》。那年9月30日,在紧挨珠穆朗玛峰的囊帕拉山口,发生了中国边防军枪杀越境藏人的血腥事件。一片抗议声中也有人不解,质问藏人何以非得冒险“偷渡”,而不是通过办理护照的正常渠道平安过境?

我理解这些人对于西藏真相的无知,耐心解释说:普通藏人要办护照比登天还难。层层部门的关卡,繁琐的手续,没完没了的盘查,甚至还要请客送礼。一年半载才给护照已经很走运,更有可能是不给护照。不管是在单位上班的藏人还是没有单位的居民都不好办,至于穿袈裟的僧尼更难办。既然这么困难,藏人们若想去朝圣、探亲或学习,就只有冒着生命危险翻越喜马拉雅雪山,不但要忍受一路的饥寒交迫,还要忍受各色人等的敲诈勒索,光是金钱就要损失数千上万。更可怕的是不但半途可能被抓住,关进监狱,甚至还会付出流血舍命的代价。相信谁都明白,如果能够像中国的其他国民那么容易地办护照,藏人又何必如此自讨苦吃?说到底,在这个国家,藏人得不到大多数中国国民应该享有的基本权利。

早在七年前,我还写过一篇文章:《护照制造的悲剧》。当时,安多果洛东日寺的夏里活佛因持假护照出境,在香港事发,被捕入狱,遭羁押两月。海外媒体称,他由于政治原因无法在青海取得护照,为了筹款给当地贫苦孩子兴建学校以及维修寺院,只好采用伪造的护照。而所谓的政治原因,只是与他曾去印度拜见尊者达赖喇嘛有关。另有两位拉萨居民,身患绝症的丈夫费尽辛苦才得到护照,为的是在临终前去看望在印度为僧的儿子,妻子却无论如何得不到护照。丈夫只有做出痛苦的选择,要么临死见不到儿子,要么从此与妻子永别。最终,他独自去了印度。而留在拉萨的妻子天天去护照部门乞求,仍然毫无希望,数月后等来了丈夫病故的消息。

与护照相关的伤心故事很多,这些年更是数不胜数。白玛娜珍在微博中提及的私人护照于三年前被没收上交,实际上与2012年1月,尊者达赖喇嘛在印度举办时轮金刚灌顶法会有关,当时约有上万境内藏人前去参加法会,虽然绝大多数是老人,却也令中国当局非常恼怒。2012年4月,西藏自治区当局出台新的护照审批办法,审批程序之复杂、之严苛,几乎无人能过关。

从RFA(自由亚洲电台)2013年1月20日披露的西藏自治区相关文件(《关于进一步加强我区护照受理审批签发管理工作的意见》)可知,申请护照的藏人要将申请递交给居住地的地方政府官员,经过村、乡(区)、县的各级审核,最终送到西藏自治区公安局。即便通过了漫长的审核过程,申请人还被要求签署一份文件,保证在出国之后不会从事任何“非法活动”和“危害国家”的活动。即使最终拿到护照并出国旅行,但必须在返回之后的七天内将护照送交有关当局,同时必须接受警方的询问,等等。而原本拥有护照的藏人,则要将护照上交,哪怕没有到期,并且要接受调查和甄别。虽然当局保证会换发新的护照,但三年来并没有这么做,也因此,西藏作协副主席白玛娜珍会问:为什么还不发还我们?

2012年去印度听闻尊者法会的藏人,返回藏地后都被关进了名为“学习班”的集中营,上至八十多岁,下至年轻人,受尽精神折磨不说,护照都被没收。没有去印度听闻法会的藏人也不能幸免。有的藏人不肯交出护照,以为拖延一段时间可以蒙混过去,但我所知道的就有藏人,或者在北京的国际机场,或者在昆明机场,打算过境去旅行或进货,却被当场没收护照。有藏人获得去美国读书的奖学金,有藏人想出国读博士,若有护照,这些好机会都能把握住,可是没有护照,只得痛苦放弃,遗憾终生。

我在拉萨的一个画家朋友,不愿交出护照,他的单位天天打电话催促,他急了,说再让我交护照,我就自焚。单位不再打电话,但是警察上门了。他跟我说,他想做个作品,去医院开刀从身上取块骨头,在骨头上刻下他的护照号码,再放回身体,这样到死都没人能拿走。不过他后来还是交出了护照,而且也没有开刀取骨头。一位只想做点生意的藏人跟我说,中国天天讲“中国梦”,我的“中国梦”就是护照。

白玛娜珍的那条微博已经消失了。据说是被举报,被扣帽子说“造谣”、“挑拨民族仇恨”,而且“遭中国人民众志成城严正怒斥”了。而她本人,会不会因为揭露了关于藏人无缘护照这一公开的秘密,就被“喝茶”或者警告呢?听说她只是出于想让儿子出国留学才发声的,且前提是怀着对中国的国家认同才要求公民权利的,应该没有任何受到不合理对待的理由。

而我想补充的是,在中国,实际上被陷入护照困境的,除了藏人,还有维吾尔人。

2015年3月

【转自唯色RFA博客:http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/zhuanlan/weiseblog/ws-03192015100530.html相关内容由自由亚洲电台藏语专题节目广播,转载请注明。】

2015年3月18日星期三

NYTimes - A Rare Look Into One’s Life on File in China


A Rare Look Into One’s Life on File in China

Whether it is national identification cards embedded with biometric chips or “birth permits” for expectant mothers, the Chinese are accustomed to authoritarian intrusions into their private lives.
Photo
The Tibetan writer Tsering Woeser is among the few Chinese citizens who has peered inside her dang'an, or personal file.Credit Andrew Jacobs/The New York Times
But there is another, largely invisible mechanism of social control that governs hundreds of millions of urban residents: the dang’an, or personal file, that documents matters mundane and profane. The dossiers start with a citizen’s middle-school grades, whether they play well with others and, as they become adults, list their religious affiliations, psychological problems and perceived political liabilities.
Sealed inside tawny envelopes stamped with the word dang’an in red, the Mao-era system for recording the most intimate details of life is updated by teachers, Communist Party officials and employers. Copies are kept by local archive bureaus, the police or a person’s employer.
China’s embrace of market economics — and the employment opportunities created by foreign firms and private employers — has diminished the dang’an’s power to derail careers. But for those seeking government work, including positions with state-owned enterprises and banks, an unfavorable dang’an entry can mar one’s job prospects.
In recent years, corrupt school officials have been caught selling off the files of top students. The buyers: parents of middling students, who assume their identities to apply to college.
Those whose dang’ans disappear can be thrown into a bureaucratic limbo, disrupting their educational plans and sometimes depriving them of pensions.
Peering into one’s dang’an, needless to say, is not allowed.
Four years ago, the Tibetan writer Tsering Woeser, 48, got a chance to look at her file. After she was fired from her job at the state-run Tibetan Literature Association in Lhasa — punishment for writing favorably about the Dalai Lama — Ms. Woeser asked a former colleague to help her get the file released so she could apply for medical insurance and other welfare benefits.
In a bureaucratic stroke of luck, an official at the association gave the file to Ms. Woeser’s mother.
“The file was only in my mother’s hands a few days before my work unit began calling in a panic, demanding it back,” she said in an interview in Beijing, where she lives. “My mother was so scared — people of her age usually are afraid of such things — she was almost in tears. I told her to hold on to it.”
A friend of Ms. Woeser’s, the filmmaker Zhu Rikun, was so intrigued that he hopped on a train for the 45-hour trip to Lhasa. File in hand, he returned to Beijing a few days later and proposed filming Ms. Woeser as she read her file aloud for the first time. The result, a documentary called “The Dossier,” was shown last year at several film festivals outside China.
Following are excerpts from a conversation with Ms. Woeser:
Q: It’s hard for foreigners to imagine what it’s like to have a personal file that you can never see. What’s it like for ordinary Chinese?
A.: Many of us have no idea what’s inside our dang’an, but our lives can be changed by it. It’s a terrible thing, like an invisible monster stalking you. It’s a special feature of a totalitarian regime. My file was born when I was in high school, at 15, but at the time, I don’t think any of us thought of it as scary.
What was it like for you to see yours?
I was excited since I had no idea what would be in there. It wasn’t that thick. But as I read it, I felt a sense of absurdity. I discovered myself as a 15-year-old writing things like “I love the Communist Party, I love the Communist motherland and I love our Great Leader Chairman Mao” in self-assessments.
The file also included my family’s class status, which was a good one, because my parents were both party members and my father was a soldier. My grades were all good, as were the teachers’ comments, though some said I was not always obedient.
When I started to work, there were comments like “Nice job this year, 10 renminbi (about $1.60) pay raise.” It was like they were talking about a machine, not about me. The words were terribly fake. Even at work, we had to write personal assessments, and one year, I wrote that I was a Buddhist, which was a very dangerous thing to say, but I said it anyway. Later, I declared that I had left the job voluntarily, although the truth is I was fired. That was the end of the file.
Anything else notable?
The biggest embarrassment was in my self-assessment at work when I wrote, “I love the Communist Party and whenever the party comes to mind, it always reminds me of its kindness to ethnic minorities. [Laughs] I will dedicate my knowledge to the Great Party.”
Clearly my personal sentiments have changed greatly. Seeing my dang’an helped me revisit my past and see how pathetic we were, these 15- and 16-year-olds, saying formulaic things about our love for the motherland, and not permitted to express ourselves. It was a process of turning us into machines, devoid of free spirit or individuality. That’s why I was fired from my job, because the Communist Party does not tolerate the truth. I didn’t want to be a machine, so I spoke the truth. Now that I’ve left the system, my soul is free, and I’m happy.
But you are not totally free, right? You can’t leave China, you are frequently placed under house arrest or questioned by the police.
True, I’m in perilous situation. I’ve been trying to get a passport since 2005, but they won’t give it to me. They said it’s because I’m on the Ministry of Public Security’s list, and that I’m a danger to national security.
Is it safe to assume there is another dossier that picks up where your old one left off?
Yes, and that file must be very thick, because every time I’m “summoned to tea” with the police, they dutifully take notes, endlessly scribbling. And when we’re done, they even ask for my signature, though I refuse.
I’d like to read that file, but I might have to wait until the collapse of the Communist regime. I don’t know what I would find but maybe I’d be saddened. I think, just like in East Germany before the fall of Berlin Wall, there would be many informers, including relatives and friends. When I returned to Lhasa last year, I counted 50 friends and relatives, just locally, who said they had been summoned to have tea with the police. One friend said he had even been beaten. Others have been roughed up, simply because they are my friends. It makes me feel very guilty.
Patrick Zuo contributed research.
http://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/03/15/a-rare-look-into-ones-life-on-file-in-china/?smid=tw-nytimesworld&_r=0

2015年3月14日星期六

唯色:来自境内祈祝尊者八十大寿的视频

2015年2月19日,藏历木羊新年第一天的赛格寺。

来自境内祈祝尊者八十大寿的视频

文/唯色

图伯特藏历木羊新年与中国农历春节相撞同一天,即公历(或西历)2月19日。第二天,从Facebook上看到一个来自境内藏地的视频。确切地说,来自安多阿坝(今四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县)。

我如何用文字来描述这个令人惊讶丶令人鼓舞的伟大视频呢?它展现的是在阿坝县四十二座藏传寺院之一的赛格寺,属于觉囊派重要寺院,位于阿坝县城以东一公里的哇尔玛乡,在藏历新年第一天,迎来了超过三千多的藏人。这么多的男女老少,穿着藏装,捧着哈达,排着长队,以恭敬而庄重的姿态,由穿绛红色袈裟的僧侣引向供奉在主殿前的法座。而华丽的法座则供奉着尊者达赖喇嘛的巨幅法像,看上去与尊者本人等身大小,就像是尊者穿法会袈裟,安坐法座,微笑注视着每位虔敬奉献哈达的藏人。场面宏大,哈达敬献法像,激动的男女老少念诵祈愿文,祈愿嘉瓦仁波切(藏语对尊者达赖喇嘛的尊称)永久住世,早日返回雪域。并向空中抛洒“隆达”,印有祈祷经文的五色纸片纷纷扬扬,伴随着呼喊“博加洛”(西藏必胜)的声音,以及牧民们呼唤胜利而发出的“嘎嗨嗨”。

我有点紧张。因为这“嘎嗨嗨”的呼啸声,在2008年3月的抗议中响彻拉萨丶康区和安多,被中国官媒形容为“狼嚎”,甚至有藏人仅仅因为喊过“嘎嗨嗨”而被捕判刑。

全藏许多寺院与藏人家庭祈祝尊者永久住世。

在现场拍摄视频的藏人向外界介绍说,这是一个无比勇敢的表达崇敬和效忠的公开行动,以庆祝尊者达赖喇嘛于2015年安享八十大寿。图伯特本来就有庆祝佛法上师与父母长辈八十大寿的传统。尊者达赖喇嘛是图伯特的至尊依怙主,尊者的八十大寿是所有虔信藏人生活中的大事。于是在新年第一天,由安多阿坝藏人启动了向尊者表达崇敬和效忠的庆祝大典。其实包括安多和康的许多藏地,即位于今中国行政区划的青海丶甘肃丶四川三省藏地,不少寺院与乡村,诸多藏人家庭,都在举行不同形式的祝寿活动。

但在新年前,据青海和甘肃藏区的藏人披露,中国当局已经由上至下地传达禁令。其中一个发布在网络上的消息说:“村委书记讲上级领导说:今年(2015年)是嘉瓦仁波切八十大寿,可能藏人会捐钱之类的。你们千万不要干这种事,谁做了就抓谁(青海话逮捕的意思)。有意思的是,就这样让我让这些无知的村民知道了今年是(尊者的)八十大寿。全场沉默不语,相信一定在祈祷长寿。”

2008年6月初我看见的赛格寺。

第143位自焚藏人:诺秀。
而赛格寺,记得2008年6月初我曾到过这座寺院,一片空寂。一位老僧告诉我,在三月的抗议被镇压中,阿坝县城里打死29人,赛格寺附近打死1人,格尔登寺有2个僧人自杀,果芒寺有1个僧人自杀。一个阿坝青年告诉我,赛格寺有100多僧人被拘捕。而2009年3月1日,赛格寺有五十多位僧人举行过抗议。从2009年迄今的140位自焚抗议藏人中,以阿坝县最多,为37人。令人伤悲的是,2015年3月5日(即藏历木羊新年1月15日)夜里,阿坝县的47岁牧民妇女诺秀自焚牺牲,她在自焚之前供奉千元丶花朵给寺院,请求为尊者达赖喇嘛永久住世并早日返回西藏举办祈愿法会,她有父母丶丈夫及两个女儿丶一个儿子。至此,藏人自焚143人。

2015年3月

(本文为自由亚洲特约评论,相关内容由自由亚洲电台藏语专题节目广播,转载请注明。)

延伸阅读:

视频:Smuggled Video Shows The Dalai Lama’s 80th Birth Year Celebrations In Tibet
བོད་མདོ་སྨད་རྔ་བ་ཇོ་ནང་དགོན་པའི་ལྷ་སྡེ་སེར་སྐྱ་མང་ཚོགས་ཀྱིས་བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་ཚེས་གཅིག་ཉིན། ༧གོང་ས་སྐྱབས་མགོན་ཆེན་པོ་་དགུང་གྲངས་བརྒྱད་ཅུར་ཕེབས་པའི་སྐུའི་གྱ་སྟོན་སྲུང་བཙི་ཞུས་ཡོད་པ། https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=807730662596054&pnref=story

2015年3月12日星期四

纽约时报:中国要求达赖喇嘛必须转世(英中文)


China’s Tensions With Dalai Lama Spill Into the Afterlife
By CHRIS BUCKLEY March 12, 2015
http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20150312/c12dalailama/en-us/

Chinese Communist Party leaders are deathly afraid that the Dalai Lama will not have an afterlife. Worried enough that this week, officials repeatedly warned that he must reincarnate, and on their terms.

Tensions over what will happen when the aging 14th Dalai Lama dies, and particularly over who decides who will succeed him as the most prominent leader in Tibetan Buddhism, have ignited at the annual gathering of China’s legislators in Beijing. Officials have amplified their argument that the Communist government is the proper guardian of the Dalai Lama’s succession through an intricate process of reincarnation that has involved lamas, or senior monks, visiting a sacred lake and divining dreams.

Party functionaries were incensed by the exiled Dalai Lama’s recent speculation that he might end his spiritual lineage and not reincarnate, confounding the Chinese government’s plans to engineer a succession that would produce a putative 15th Dalai Lama who accepts its presence and policies in Tibet. Their anger welled up on Wednesday, as it had a day earlier.

Zhu Weiqun, a Communist Party official who has long dealt with Tibetan issues, told reporters in Beijing on Wednesday that the Dalai Lama had, essentially, no say over whether he was reincarnated. That was ultimately for the Chinese government to decide, he said, according to a transcript of his comments on the website of People’s Daily, the party’s main newspaper.

“Decision-making power over the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama, and over the end or survival of this lineage, resides in the central government of China,” said Mr. Zhu, formerly a deputy head of the United Front Department of the Communist Party, which oversees dealings with religious and other nonparty groups. He now leads the ethnic and religious affairs committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, an advisory body that meets at the same time as the legislature, or National People’s Congress.

Mr. Zhu accused the Dalai Lama of trampling on sacred traditions.

“In religious terms, this is a betrayal of the succession of Dalai Lamas in Tibetan Buddhism,” he said.

“The 14th Dalai Lama has taken an extremely frivolous and disrespectful attitude towards this issue,” Mr. Zhu continued. “Where in the world is there anyone else who takes such a frivolous attitude towards his own succession?”

The sight of Communist Party officials defending the precepts of reincarnation and hurling accusations of heresy at the Dalai Lama might have Marx turning in his grave. The party is committed to atheism in its ranks, though it accepts religious belief in the public. And President Xi Jinping has declared his fealty to Marxist-Leninist dialectical materialism. But the dispute over reincarnation has profound implications for Tibet, where the Dalai Lama remains widely revered more than half a century after he fled into exile in 1959.

“I don’t think the Dalai Lama would mind if you saw this through the prism of Monty Python,” Robert Barnett, director of the modern Tibetan studies program at Columbia University, said in a telephone interview. “But he is reminding the Chinese that, from his perspective and the perspective of probably nearly all Tibetans, the Chinese don’t really have a credible role in deciding these things.”

The Dalai Lama has not commented on the latest warnings from China. But Lobsang Sangay, the prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile, based in Dharamsala, northern India, was scathing on Tuesday, after the governor of the Tibetan autonomous region, Padma Choling, told reporters in Beijing that the Dalai Lama had profaned the Tibetan Buddhist faith by suggesting he might not be reincarnated.

“It’s like Fidel Castro saying, ‘I will select the next pope and all the Catholics should follow.’ That is ridiculous,” Lobsang Sangay told Reuters on Tuesday. “It’s none of Padma Choling or any of the Communist Party’s business, mainly because Communism believes in atheism and religion being poisonous.”

The Dalai Lama turns 80 in July, and as he has advanced in years, he and the Chinese government have both probably kept in mind the example of the succession of Panchen Lama, another senior figure in Tibetan Buddhism. After the 10th Panchen Lama died in 1989, the Dalai Lama confirmed a boy in Tibet as the next reincarnation in 1995. But the Chinese government hid away that boy and his parents and installed its own choice as the Panchen Lama. The Dalai Lama has indicated that he does not want to experience the same fate.

“Whether the institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not is up to the Tibetan people,” the Dalai Lama said in an interview with the BBC in December. “There is no guarantee that some stupid Dalai Lama won’t come next, who will disgrace himself or herself. That would be very sad. So, much better that a centuries-old tradition should cease at the time of a quite popular Dalai Lama.”

Since 1995, the Chinese authorities have claimed an increasingly active role in the succession of the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan Buddhist leaders, Mr. Barnett said. Under the Qing dynasty, he said, the Manchu emperors who ruled China maintained a limited role in confirming the succession of the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan Buddhist leaders, but the Communist Party has demanded an increasingly hands-on role in intricate, often lengthy rituals of succession.

“They finally ended up with the state deciding whether people could reincarnate,” he said. “The lamas are left with a role that is in a way token in that process.”

Tibetans are sure to reject any future putative Dalai Lama handpicked by the Chinese government, Dicki Chhoyang, the head of the Department of Information and International Relations of the Tibetan government-in-exile in Dharamsala, said in a telephone interview.

“The person selected by the Chinese government is just as much a victim of the situation as anyone, so there’s nothing personal held against that person,” she said. “Communism, in theory, is atheist, so we’re just like this is too much.”

Tibetans, however, remain convinced that the Dalai Lama will ultimately continue his lineage of leading monks of the Gelugpa school of Tibetan Buddhism, a succession that dates from the 14th century, Mr. Barnett said. The Dalai Lama’s warnings that the succession might end, he said, are best understood as a way of encouraging Tibetans to focus on the issue and the options.

“The Tibetan people would never have faith in a so-called reincarnation appointed by the Chinese government,” Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan author based in Beijing who is critical of Beijing’s policies in her homeland, said in an online interview. “But I believe that the Dalai Lama will reincarnate.”

中国要求达赖喇嘛必须转世
储百亮 2015年03月12日
http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20150312/c12dalailama/

中国共产党领导人生怕达赖喇嘛没有来世。担心程度之高,以至于官员们本周多次警告达赖喇嘛,他必须转世,且要按他们的条件来转世。

面对年事渐高的十四世达赖喇嘛去世后将会发生什么、尤其是由什么人来决定谁将接替他成为藏传佛教最重要领袖的问题,有关的紧张气氛在中国立法者一年一度的北京聚会上爆发了。官员们加强了他们的主张,即共产党政府才是达赖喇嘛继位权的正当监护人。达赖喇嘛的继任是经过一个精细复杂的过程产生的,其中涉及喇嘛(或高僧)造访圣湖及占梦等活动。

流亡的达赖喇嘛近期称,他可能结束自己的精神世系,不再转世,这激怒了共产党官员,因为这搅乱了中国政府的计划,政府想通过控制继位程序,来产生一位由其指定的、接受其西藏统治和政策的十五世达赖喇嘛。他们的愤怒情绪在周三涌现出来,前一天也有所表现。

一直负责处理西藏事务的共产党官员朱维群周三在北京对记者说,达赖喇嘛在自己是否转世的问题上基本上没有发言权。据一份党的主要报纸《人民日报》网站上该官员答记者问的全文,他说,这件事最终要由中国政府决定。

“达赖喇嘛的转世也好,这个世系的废存也好,决定权在于中国的中央政府,”朱维群说。他曾任共产党统战部常务副部长,该部负责监管与宗教团体及其他非党团体的往来。朱维群现在是全国人民政治协商会议民族宗教委员会的领导人。全国政协是一个与中国立法机构全国人民代表大会同时开会的咨询机构。

朱维群指责达赖喇嘛践踏神圣传统。

他说,“(这)是宗教上对藏传佛教达赖喇嘛世系的背叛。”

“十四世达赖对这个问题采取了一种非常不严肃的、非常不尊重的态度,”朱维群继续说道。“世界上还有这样一个对自己的传承采取这样一种不严肃态度的人吗?”

共产党官员捍卫轮回规范、猛烈抨击达赖喇嘛异端的情景也许会让马克思不能在坟墓中安息。共产党要求其官员信仰无神论,但允许公众的宗教信仰。国家主席习近平曾宣布他效忠于马克思列宁主义的辩证唯物论。但是,轮回问题之争对西藏有深远影响,达赖喇嘛1959年逃亡之后的半个多世纪里,他在那里仍广受敬仰。

哥伦比亚大学(Columbia University)现代藏学研究项目(Modern Tibet Studies Program)主任罗伯特·巴尼特(Robert Barnett)在接受电话采访时说,“我觉得,如果你用巨蟒喜剧团(Monty Python)的角度来看这个问题,达赖喇嘛是不会介意的。但是,他在提醒中国人,从他的角度、以及可能是几乎所有藏人的角度来看,中国人在决定这些事情上,真起不了令人信服的作用。”

达赖喇嘛对来自中国的最新警告尚未发表评论。但是,位于印度北部达兰萨拉的西藏流亡政府总理洛桑森格周二无情地驳斥了西藏自治区主席白玛赤林的话,白玛赤林在北京对记者说,达赖喇嘛曾表示他可能不会转世,那是对藏传佛教信仰的亵渎。

洛桑森格周二对路透社说,“这就像菲德尔·卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)说,‘我将选择下一任教皇,所有的天主教徒必须遵从’一样,这很荒唐。这件事与白玛赤林或共产党没有任何关系,主要是因为共产主义信仰无神论,认为宗教毒害人民。”

达赖喇嘛今年七月将满80岁,随着自己年事渐高,他与中国政府大概都把藏传佛教的另一位高僧班禅喇嘛继位的例子记在心里。十世班禅喇嘛于1989年去世后,达赖喇嘛曾在1995年确定了一位西藏男孩为下一位转世的班禅喇嘛,但中国政府把那个男孩及其父母藏了起来,把政府自己的选择任命为班禅喇嘛。达赖喇嘛表示,他不希望遭受同样的命运。

“达赖喇嘛的制度是否应该继续,要由西藏人民来决定,”达赖喇嘛去年12月接受BBC采访时说。“没有人能保证,今后不会出现一位愚钝的达赖喇嘛,令其本人蒙羞。那将非常可悲。因此,最好让这一古老传统终结于一个备受欢迎的达赖喇嘛身上。”

巴内特说,自1995年以来,中国当局在达赖喇嘛以及其他藏传佛教领袖的继任问题上宣称的作用越来越积极。他说,清朝时,统治中国的满清皇帝保持了确认达赖喇嘛和其他藏传佛教领袖继任人选的有限作用,但共产党在挑选继任的复杂且往往漫长的程序中,要求起越来越直接的作用。

他说,“他们最终做出了由国家来决定人是否可以再生的事情。喇嘛们在这个过程中的作用只剩下某种程度上的象征。”

位于达兰萨拉的西藏流放政府信息与国际关系部负责人德吉曲央(Dicki Chhoyang)在接受电话采访时说,藏人一定会拒绝承认任何由中国政府精心挑选指定的达赖喇嘛。

她说,“由中国政府选定的人,与这种情况下的任何人一样,都是受害者,所以对其本人没有什么可指责的。共产主义在理论上是无神论,所以我们认为,这样做实在是太过分了。”

但是,巴内特说,藏人仍确信,达赖喇嘛最终将继续其领导格鲁派藏传佛教僧侣的世系,该世系的沿袭回溯到14世纪。他说,达赖喇嘛有关世系可能终结的警告,最好理解为他鼓励藏人关注有关问题和选择的一种方式。

住在北京的藏族作家次仁唯色经常批评中央政府在自己家乡实施的政策,她在接受在线采访时说,“西藏人民永远不会信任由中央政府任命的所谓转世化身。但我认为,达赖喇嘛会转世。”【唯色注:记者储百亮先生问的是“中国政府”,我回答的也是“中国政府”,我们都没有说“中央政府”。纽时的中文翻译为什么将英文原文中我说的“the Chinese government” 翻译成“中央政府”?把“中国政府”翻译成“中央政府”完全变味,实际上是一个原则性的问题。】

储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》记者。
翻译:Cindy Hao

延伸阅读:

记者会“政协委员谈促进民生改善与社会和谐稳定”http://live.people.com.cn/note.php?id=1077150302125559_ctdzb_034

(其中,朱维群说:“最近几年,达赖喇嘛在国际上串访,拜见他的人越来越少,包括一些外国的国家领导人,和他见面越来越少了。有些人不知好歹,在这种情况下还和达赖喇嘛见面、吃饭,实际上他们是掉分的,尤其是在中国老百姓的心目当中,这样的人是掉分的。同时,国际的新闻界对达赖喇嘛的关注度也越来越低,固然我们不希望达赖喇嘛在国际上串访,因为他的表演而影响了我们和有关国家良好的关系。……最近达赖喇嘛高调宣称他不再转世,不再转世不说,他还宣称达赖喇嘛世系要停止,实际这是一种双重背叛。第一种,他在政治上是对祖国的背叛,因为我们知道,达赖喇嘛的转世需要经过一系列的历史定制、宗教仪轨,而这个历史定制、宗教仪轨每一个环节都包括了必须向当时的中央政府报告,得到当时的中国中央政府的批准。没有中国中央政府的批准和承认,所有这些都是非法的,由此产生的所谓的达赖喇嘛也是非法的。可以这样说,达赖喇嘛的转世也好,这个世系的废存也好,决定权在于中国的中央政府,不在任何人,包括不在达赖喇嘛本人。 第二种背叛,是宗教上对藏传佛教达赖喇嘛世系的背叛……”)

美联社报道我采访我父亲拍摄的西藏文革照片

Secret historians preserve past in China amid state amnesia
By Jack Chang And Isolda Morillo Associated Press
POSTED: 03/11/2015 01:10:04 AM MDTADD A COMMENT

In this Jan. 21, 2015 photo, Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan poet, shows an old photo of Buddhist priests parade with a photo of late Chinese leader Mao Zedong in the far western region of Tibet, which was taken by her father during the Cultural Revolution, at her home on the outskirt of Beijing. Woeser said she had wondered as a girl why her father had taken photos of the destruction in the region, especially since he had been sent there as a Chinese soldier in the 1960s to help tighten the government?s hold. Later, she said, she herself returned to track down the people captured in those photos. "A lot of people have already died,? she said. ?So I think this is a very urgent thing. Because memory is important to people, and if the person is there, the memory is there. If the person isn?t there, then the memory has disappeared.? (AP Photo/Andy Wong) (Andy Wong/AP)









美联社的文字报道:http://www.denverpost.com/breakingnews/ci_27688437/secret-historians-preserve-past-china-amid-state-amnesia?source=infinite

美联社的图片报道:http://www.heraldpalladium.com/news/wire/asia/secret-historians-preserve-past-in-china-amid-state-amnesia/article_1822407f-449c-531f-8f3b-7eb09150e56d.html?mode=image

BEIJING (AP) — In his small ground-floor apartment just a few blocks from Beijing's landmark Bird's Nest stadium, Chinese language teacher, writer and do-it-yourself documentary maker Xu Xing is urgently preserving what he can of China's forbidden past.

Traveling usually by himself all over the country, the tall 58-year-old has recorded hours of interviews with everyday Chinese who were jailed, sometimes for years, on the barest of political charges during the decade-long spasm of social chaos known as the Cultural Revolution. Xu has edited that footage into documentaries that he only shows to those he trusts, in living rooms and coffee houses, preserving for history memories kept secret for decades.

"I want it so that this never happens in China again, so this is my tireless job," Xu said on a recent afternoon sitting at his kitchen-top editing bay. "I tell the people I interview, 'Clearly, I can't bring you any money or other reward. The main thing I do is let other people know your story.'"

With the ruling Communist Party zealously enforcing its own version of Chinese history, Xu's truth-telling is nothing less than an act of defiance. The government has largely succeeded in erasing or playing down whole swaths of Communist-era history by controlling what's talked about in the country's classrooms, museums and books, as well as in other areas of public life.


Ask the average Chinese under the age of 30 about the 1989 massacre of pro-democracy student activists centered in Beijing's Tiananmen Square, which scholars say claimed the lives of at hundreds of protesters and bystanders, and the answer will likely be ignorance or at best vague recognition. The same amnesia cloaks other dark periods of 20th-century Chinese history such as the catastrophic famines of the late 1950s, widely blamed on the government's push to rapidly industrialize, and the Cultural Revolution, which persecuted millions from 1966 to 1976.

Fu King-Wa, a journalism and media studies professor at the University of Hong Kong, said many of his students from mainland China learned of the Tiananmen massacre for the first time through his lectures.

Hong Kong, a semi-autonomous Chinese city, enjoys more freedom compared to the mainland, where Chinese who research and publicize the past on their own are often censored or jailed for causing trouble.

"This is authoritarian control of people's access to information. They want to create a unified version of how to understand this historical issue," Fu said.

Xu and other secret historians have taken it upon themselves to preserve photos, interview eyewitnesses and do the archival work that the Chinese government has banned most historians inside the country from doing.

You Weijie, whose husband died in the Tiananmen massacre, has conducted interviews with relatives of more than 40 other victims and stored the audio and video recordings overseas. Some are available online.

Tsering Woeser held onto dozens of her father's old photos of the Chinese military destroying temples and persecuting Buddhist priests and officials in the far western region of Tibet during the Cultural Revolution. In 2006, a Taiwan-based publisher put out a book of the photos.

Others in China run underground history magazines or preserve their memories of China's forbidden past in paintings.

These secret historians are exposed to police surveillance and, in many cases, to near-poverty, because they have little opportunity to make a living from their work.

Woeser, You and Xu said they were aware of the dangers they invited by speaking to The Associated Press, but said they had already been the targets of police scrutiny and were willing to run the additional risk.

"They're afraid of this," Xu said of Chinese authorities. "They don't let anybody see this. This is their crime."

The Chinese government's concerns about historical revision was spelled out in what was believed to be a confidential party document leaked to the public in 2013 and first printed in a Hong Kong newspaper.

The document called out critics who consider the Chinese Communist Party to be "a continuous series of mistakes," and warned that "historical nihilism" rejecting the party's version of history "is tantamount to denying the legitimacy of the CCP's long-term political dominance."

For China's secret historians, however, documenting that history is the only way to make sure its tragedies aren't repeated.

Woeser, a Tibetan poet, said she had wondered as a girl why her father had taken photos of the destruction in the region, especially since he had been sent there as a Chinese soldier in the 1960s to help tighten the government's hold. Later, she said, she herself returned to track down the people captured in those photos.

"A lot of people have already died," she said, seated beside a private altar she's built to the exiled Tibetan leader the Dalai Lama. "So I think this is a very urgent thing. Because memory is important to people, and if the person is there, the memory is there. If the person isn't there, then the memory has disappeared."

At different times, Woeser has been placed under house arrest for her work. You said she has also been placed under surveillance; police are permanently stationed on the ground floor of her apartment building. Xu is often stopped and questioned by local police while tracking down Cultural Revolution survivors.

What they find and record often clashes with how the Chinese government memorializes the country's tumultuous history since 1949, when the Communist Party seized control after a brutal civil war.

In the government's telling, the student protesters who filled Tiananmen Square demanding political reforms were launching a "counterrevolutionary riot," and only 300 or so were killed, as opposed to about 1,000 victims counted by other sources. The famines sparked by the Great Leap Forward of the 1950s, which scholars believe claimed upward of 30 million lives, are known in official versions as "three years of natural disaster," with at most a few million perishing.

The Chinese government has acknowledged some fault for the Cultural Revolution, saying the political purges were "responsible for the most severe setback and the heaviest losses ... since the founding of the People's Republic." Still, the period is rarely mentioned in Chinese media, and few relics of the time appear outside private collections.

That amnesia comes at an enormous price, and not just for victims who have yet to see justice or compensation, said Xun Zhou, a history professor at the University of Essex who has interviewed hundreds of rural Chinese about the famines of the Great Leap Forward and other historical events.

Avoiding that history has prevented any move toward the kind of reconciliation that in other societies has helped heal historical wounds, she said.

"If you're going to have reconciliation, you have to talk about things in the open, you have to face these unresolved historical issues," Xun said. "Now, there's no national memory of history. There's only individual memory, no collective memory."

Rowena He, a Harvard University lecturer who has documented the Tiananmen massacre and its aftermath, said those unresolved tensions and that aversion to historical accounting have helped shape the China of today. The 1989 crackdown, in particular, and its subsequent removal from national memory taught Chinese not only to distrust politics but to fear history, He said.

"With Tiananmen, they didn't just twist facts, they twisted the values," she said. "Cynicism, detachment, materialism, it really changed the Chinese compact and the way people see themselves."

You said she has devoted herself to her archival work so that the 1989 massacre and its victims, including her late husband, Yang Minghu, aren't forgotten by Chinese society and the world.

Yang, then a 42-year-old civil servant, rode his bicycle to Tiananmen Square on the night of the massacre after he heard gunfire. He ended up being shot in the bladder and dying two days later, leaving behind You and their young son.

You has since joined up with other relatives of massacre victims to track down others who can testify about the bloodshed — with confiscation of her materials or worse a constant threat.

"Even though we're weak because we don't have power," You said, "we don't want to let these things disappear and let history drown them."

2015年3月10日星期二

顶礼143盏奉献给图伯特的供灯!




201535日(即藏历木羊新年115日)夜里,阿坝县Trotsik47岁牧民妇女诺秀自焚牺牲,她在自焚之前供奉千元、花朵给寺院,请求为尊者达赖喇嘛永久住世并早日返回西藏而举办祈愿法会,她有父母、丈夫及两个女儿、一个儿子。至此,藏人自焚143境内藏人自焚136人。

2015年3月10日(1959年3月10日五十六周年)记。

2015年3月7日星期六

唯色RFA博客:献给所有自焚藏人:《西藏火凤凰》


献给所有自焚藏人:《西藏火凤凰》


唯色

这个月:3月,对于西藏具有特殊意义的、被视为“敏感”的时间段;在台湾,使用中文语言的另一个世界,拥有高品质的大块文化,出版、发行了我的新书:《西藏火凤凰》。

《西藏火凤凰》是一本献给所有自焚藏人的书。事实上,这本书的主体部分,是为法国Indigène éditions出版社写的,于201310月在巴黎出版,法文版名为《Immolations in Tibet: The shame of the world》,意即:西藏的自焚—世界的耻辱。虽然只有短短的两万多字,译成法文四万多字,但我心力交瘁地写作了整整两个月,原因无他,那么多藏人将宝贵的生命付诸于奉献与抗议的火焰,人世间任何语言对此的描述与评价都是苍白无力的。

而《西藏火凤凰》除了这部分文字,还补充了三个附录,包括自焚藏人名单、藏人自焚抗议概况,以及自焚藏人遗言。另外,还补充了一些可以提供更多背景以使读者了解的故事,包括自焚藏人的身世,中国政府的媒体宣传、“种族隔离”政策等等。如此,这本书约六万字。并且,还收录了一直在用绘画的方式,为自焚藏人立传的两位艺术家的画作:井早智代,日本人,她的绘画是诗意的,充满悲伤与怀念;刘毅,中国人,他的绘画是一幅幅自焚者具有尊严的肖像。

无论是最初的法文版,还是即将出版的中文版,著名艺术家艾未未提供了封面设计。我认为他不只是这个世界上最卓越的艺术家,还是伟大的人权卫士、自由战士。我在书中引述了他关于藏人自焚的评论:“西藏是拷问中国、国际社会人权和公正标准的最严厉问卷,没有人可以回避,可以绕过去。目前为止,没有人不受辱蒙羞。”而在他的有着重要意义的封面设计上可以看到,所有自焚藏人的名字用藏文记录其上;中间的一朵火焰壮丽,充满奉献的美而非惨烈的苦;洁净的封面宛如西藏洁白的哈达,以献给所有自焚藏人。

大块文化准确地理解并解释了封面设计概念:艾未未的封面上烫印的藏人名字,只有在某些角度才看得到,这象征着他们在这本书中的在场与缺席。就如同他们在所有被自焚悲剧影响的人们的心里,存在,也不存在。

无论是最初的法文版,还是即将出版的中文版,实际上皆是作为记录者的我,对六年来持发生的藏人自焚事件所做的一种竭力的解释、沉痛的分析和直率的批评。当然,批评针对的是不义的中共当局以及向不义妥协的世界。正如我在序中所写:“从扎白的自焚开始,我记录下每一位自焚者的情况,发布于我的博客。一如2008年西藏抗议运动期间,我每天用博客发布各地的事件。但我无论如何也没有预料到后来会有这么多藏人以身浴火,以致一种新的抗议形式正在出现。我更没有预料到,我的记录常常追不上一个个生命被烈火燃烧的速度。至2014415日,已知135位藏人自焚,可谓人类历史罕见,其惨烈难以描述。在西藏的历史上,尤其在西藏的当代史上,从未有如此众多的遍及城镇与乡村的藏人焚身明志。一首反对种族隔离、呼吁争取自由的英语歌曲《Biko》流传多年,正可以作为写照。歌中唱到:‘你可以吹灭蜡烛,但你吹不灭大火;火焰一旦燃起,风将吹它更高。’”

而书名《西藏火凤凰》则取意凤凰涅槃,浴火重生。无论在西方还是东方的神话里,火凤凰是不死神鸟,每每自焚为烬,再从灰烬中重生,成为永生。虽然西藏文化中没有涅槃的凤凰,只有护卫佛法的神灵,但火凤凰的象征含义是广泛的,都能理解。正如前苏联诗人茨维塔耶娃的诗句:

我是凤凰,只在烈火中歌唱!
请你们珍惜我高贵的生命!
我熊熊燃烧,我烧成灰烬!
但愿你们的黑夜能变得光明!


201531日,北京




2015年3月5日星期四

我在RFA开博客了


这是“唯色RFA博客”的网址:http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/zhuanlan/weiseblog

RFA博客的介绍是:

藏族女诗人、作家唯色长期弘扬藏文化及关注藏民族的权利及福祉。 近年来,她不断利用互联网对西疆境内及藏区发生的新闻事件发表自己的见解。 2015年三月起,唯色在自由亚洲电台中文部网页开设自己的博客,对有关西藏的人与事评头论足。希望广大网友多多关注。

2015年2月28日星期六

一本向埃利亚特·史伯岭表示敬意的书及我的文章

这是一本向藏学家Elliot Sperling表示敬意的书。


2月23日,位于印度北部达兰萨拉的阿尼玛卿西藏研究中心,举行新书《Trails of the Tibetan Tradition》的发布仪式,向著名藏学家、美国印第安纳大学教授埃利亚特·史伯岭(Elliot Sperling,又写艾略特·史柏岭)表示敬意。

阿尼玛卿西藏研究中心负责人扎西次仁在发布仪式上表示,这本书是为了感谢埃利亚特·史伯岭多年来在研究西藏文化方面所付出的努力。

埃利亚特·史伯岭也致辞说从事藏学研究至今,从各界藏学研究同仁处获得的友谊,是对自己最大的鼓励。

这本书591页,藏文、英文、中文三种文字,包括31位藏学家、作家的文章。其中有我的文章《记埃利亚特·史伯岭》,如下:

记埃利亚特·史伯岭

唯色

1

有一次——我不太记得是这几年的哪一次,因为埃利亚特·史伯岭(Elliot Sperling)这几年都来过北京,除了不能去拉萨,北京他还是来过好几次——他拿着一本很厚的英文书,对我说这是曼德尔斯塔姆夫人的回忆录。

那时,这本书还没有中文译本。不过我读过曼德尔斯塔姆的诗歌和散文,埃利亚特因此很满意。我们便一起复习了那首给诗人带来厄运的诗:“我们生活着,感受不到脚下的国家,/十步之外就听不到我们的话语,/而只要哪里有压低嗓音的谈话,就让人联想到克里姆林宫的山民……”

想起来了,那是20113月刚结束。16日那天,20岁的僧人彭措在安多阿坝为抗议三年前的屠杀,以身浴火,惨烈牺牲。数日后,我见到了一位与彭措同属格尔登寺的僧人洛桑次巴,他含泪讲述了彭措的自焚,但他很快就失踪了,直到两年后我才得知他是被警察从北京的一所教授汉语的学校带走了。

我给洛桑次巴写了一首诗。其中转载了曼德尔斯塔姆的两行诗句,并写到:“这诗句,来自死于斯大林之手的一位良心诗人,/却也是盛世华夏之写照。”我还在诗中记录了与埃利亚特在Skype上的对话:

“深夜,我语无伦次地吐露:
‘我不知道有没有用,但我还是说了。
我其实知道,说了也没有用……’

来自‘让旺隆巴的友人,语调铿锵:(让旺隆巴:藏语,自由世界)
‘他们企图让人以为说话没用。
但我们必须不停止地说!’”

2

第一次见到埃利亚特的情景是清晰的。

那是2010年的夏天,埃利亚特顺利地从北京机场抵达受邀参加会议的住处后,放下行李就直接打车来东郊的通州看我。虽然他是少有的通晓中文的藏学家,但他很少、很少对我说中文。我的意思不是说我的博盖(藏语)多么流利,都知道我的博盖水准,而埃利亚特是为了帮助我的博盖更加进步才不说加盖(汉语)的,我这么认为。

当晚,我带埃利亚特去了建国门附近的藏餐馆“玛吉阿米”。这是个有着歧义名字因而对图伯特造成更多误读的藏餐馆,不过说实话,菜肴的味道还不错,虽然不完全是纯正的图伯特风味。而且,还有从拉萨运来的青稞啤酒,多少安慰了埃利亚特经年不见拉萨的感情。年轻的男女博巴(藏人)表演的那种风情歌舞,则让帝都越来越多的“西藏粉丝”虚构起东方主义的想象,我记得埃利亚特与我谈到过这点。

这以后,好像我们的见面常常与吃有关,去了北京不少餐馆:图伯特风味的餐馆、印度风味的餐馆、墨西哥风味的餐馆。当然去的最多的还是中国餐馆——辣得过瘾的火锅店,等等。其实不只是吃喝。我们还去过书店、美术馆,还去过圆明园、国子监、南锣鼓巷、宋庄,有两次差点中暑(似乎他来北京的时间常常是在盛夏)。

我们还看过歌剧。有一次,埃利亚特(鉴于他的长相越来越像列宁,我有时会称他是“列宁同志”)请我在国家大剧院(被人们戏谑为“巨蛋”)观看了歌剧《卡门》,他是那种几乎对所有的古典歌剧都烂熟于心的人,穿一身白色的麻质西装,一边轻声哼着一边微微打着拍子。有一次,是我和好友的生日,但当天在国家大剧院只有来自朝鲜歌剧院的歌剧《卖花姑娘》,这是我小时候饱受共产主义意识形态洗脑教育的革命文艺经典,王力雄便请埃利亚特与我和好友度过了一个“忆苦思甜”的生日,当晚北京暴雨成灾,似乎比朝鲜的眼泪还多。

3

我爱开玩笑叫埃利亚特“格啦”,你知道,这是拉萨敬语,先生的意思。

有一次,我们去承德参观满清皇帝给他的佛法上师达赖喇嘛和班禅喇嘛修建的行宫(俗称“小布达拉宫”和“班禅行宫”),在埃利亚特漫不经意的指点下,我写的有关承德的文章也显得有些水准了。

其实那一路的所见所闻很有趣,我们遇见所谓的“西藏师傅”行骗,给排着队的男女游客每人一盏需付钱的蜡烛灯,埃利亚特就用博盖彬彬有礼地向他问话,让假扮博巴的骗子很是慌乱。除了个人行骗,政府也在行骗,重新叙述被政治篡改的历史。比如,把十八世纪末蒙古土尔扈特部落的东迁渲染成“回到祖国怀抱”,且有专门的展览和崭新的浮雕。埃利亚特拍了照片发给一位蒙古学家,得到幽默的回复:看来在承德发现了很重要的新资料。 

再讲一个可笑的细节,当然也是埃利亚特发现的。“小布达拉宫”有道“五塔门”,城门上矗立着五座色彩各异的佛塔,符合佛教的解释应该是以此代表中央、南方、东方、西方、北方的五方佛,可是立在门前的牌子上写的中英文解说错误百出,不但将五座塔说成是代表藏传佛教的五大教派,如黄塔代表“黄教”即格鲁派,黑塔代表“黑教”即“笨波派”,而且这个“笨”是中文“笨蛋”的“笨”,于是英文解说依照中文翻译为Stupid,于是原本在正确的解释中并不存在的苯教便写成了the stupid wave sends

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作为中国政府讨厌的异见人士,我和王力雄经常会被限制自由,遭到软禁。我被限制更多,体现在王力雄可以得到护照(但有时候连护照、签证都没用,国家安全警察可以在你临上飞机之前,宣布你的旅行作废),而我从来得不到护照。我们都认为这与我们的民族身份不同有关。

有一段时间,危险似乎已经迫在眉睫,我真的不知道侥幸躲过的成分会有多少,就像曼德尔斯塔姆夫人所写:“另类,话多,对抗……这些特性似乎就足以构成被逮捕和被消灭的理由了。”于是,埃利亚特每天上午都会在Skype上呼我,看我是否又度过了安全的一日,然后,他会开心地、大声地用博盖和汉语各说一遍:“不错!”

就像曼德尔斯塔姆夫人所写:“我们生活在这样一些人中间,他们后来消失于另一个世界,被送往流放地、集中营和地狱……”是的,我说的是伊力哈木·土赫提,我们的挚友,维吾尔学者,于2014115日当着两个幼子的面,被几十个警察野蛮地从北京家中带往乌鲁木齐囚禁,至今未获自由。而在他被消失的七天前,我和王力雄还与他在民大附近的维吾尔餐厅见面,还去他家见到了他瘦弱的妻子和多病的母亲。

在他被消失的两年前,同样是在这家维吾尔餐厅,埃利亚特与伊力哈木一见如故,在我们四个人的合影中,这种真诚与信任显露无遗。伊力哈木的女儿菊尔说埃利亚特是世界上最好的人,不只是因为他安排伊力哈木去印第安纳大学做访问学者,当伊力哈木赴行时却在北京机场被扣留,使得18岁的菊尔心惶惶地独自远去美国,但并未在后来的日子遭遇困厄,原因是她一直被父亲托付的这位友人照顾着。

实际上不只是对朋友才会付出关切,不是这样的。我曾在一篇文章中写过一段话:“正如我的藏学家友人 Elliot Sperling ,尽管他的研究在于西藏历史和中藏关系,但他同时对西藏的政治问题、人权问题等现实问题非常关注。他曾这样解释他对西藏问题(他会修正说是“图伯特问题”)的关心,乃基于对公民社会的根本价值予以认可并捍卫的立场,而这与民族与国别无关,却因此支持图伯特救存亡图的斗争事业。”而这种种行动,正如加缪所说,“不会止于个人的义愤,又具有对他者的关怀。”

在此仅举两个事例:去年5月,鉴于中国政府对拉萨老城以改建为名进行破坏的事实,埃利亚特在国际藏学界发起呼吁,130多位各国藏学研究者联署,在“致习近平及联合国教科文组织的公开信”上指出:“此种毁坏……不仅仅是西藏的问题,也不仅仅是中国的问题。这是一个国际性的问题”,将使得“拉萨变成一座21世纪初的旅游城市而失去了它的独特性和固有的传统文化”,并要求立即停止对拉萨的破坏。尽管呼吁未能起效,但足以表明中国政府的行为多么糟糕。

另一件事是中国独立电影人王我摄制的纪录片《对话》于今年3月完成,这是一部有关西藏问题、新疆问题等民族问题的纪录片,其中有尊者达赖喇嘛与几位中国知识分子通过网络进行对话,以及主持这一对话的王力雄对民族问题的思考。埃利亚特不但帮助修订全片的英文字幕,并在印第安纳大学最先放映。

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有一次,埃利亚特的女儿蔻琳也来北京了。他的女儿才是真正的美人呢,相信见者都会有惊若天人的感觉。埃利亚特就会面露得意,用博盖说“有其父必有其女”。我就会做出怀疑的表情,小小地打击一下列宁同志。

其实埃利亚特年轻时的嬉皮士风采还是很帅气的,尽管如今从外表上看,嬉皮士显然已经成功转型为学者形象,但我觉得他是嬉皮入骨。不然,他不会在前年的一个酷夏之夜,与我和两个博巴在墨西哥风味的饭馆喝得大醉,抱头痛哭。王力雄听说后笑叹史伯岭可真是个老嬉皮,居然跟年龄跨度不一的你们喝酒还喝醉。

我很喜欢他的女儿,不只是因为她的美貌,还因为1995年春天,埃利亚特携七岁的蔻琳去拉萨(他总共去过八次,最近一次是2004年去的),他教了女儿一句博盖:“博格达波博弥应”(图伯特的主人是藏人)。于是,无论是去拜访主人早已流亡数十年的布达拉宫,还是去凭吊文革被毁成大片废墟的甘丹寺,长得像天使一样的女儿会对遇见的僧人,或者朝圣的老人和妇女,用清脆的声音、用他们听得懂的语言轻喊“博格达波博弥应”,博巴们无不惊讶、感动甚至流泪,我第一次听到这个故事时也差点哭了。

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原本以为我们在这个夏天又能见面的。我提前从亚马逊网购了两本中文书:《曼德尔斯塔姆夫人回忆录》和《雪域求法记——一个汉人喇嘛的口述史》,这是送给嗜书若命的埃利亚特的礼物。还打算这次要带他去另一家藏餐馆品尝具有图伯特风味的美食。

6月间,我和王力雄在南蒙古旅行时,听埃利亚特说他顺利拿到了签证,这还真是出乎意外,毕竟有太多的藏学家、汉学家、新疆学家等等国际学者,因为不同于中国政府的观点而遭到排斥,不予签证。也许埃利亚特·史伯岭是统战对象?

但显然不是。而是一个类似于猫玩老鼠的游戏。75日下午,当埃利亚特经过十几个小时的飞行抵达北京首都国际机场,不但被拒绝入境,还被中国警察带到小房间拍照、盘问,禁止使用手机,上厕所被跟,被扣留1个半小时,且被修改原机票的返回日期。当我第二天在Skype上见到他时,他已安坐在他纽约家中,似乎就没动弹过,这让我感觉魔幻。

不提所耗费的时间和精力,仅机票和签证费共损失近两千美元,这难道是中国政府故意折腾他吗?伊利亚特倒是很幽默,把被打上醒目黑叉的签证照片发给我说:“热烈恭贺史伯岭获得中共授予外国人的人权奖!”

我自是忿忿不平,当即将这一事件在推特和博客上做了曝露,引起了诸多媒体的重视。纽约时报采访了伊利亚特,引述了他的话:“我很清楚自己为什么被拒绝入境。我认为,这明显与伊力哈木有关。中国试图压制那些声援伊力哈木的人,迫使他们保持沉默,或者至少是孤立他们。”而对于是否还能去中国,伊利亚特说“我不会为了获得签证而遵从专制规则。”——看看,埃利亚特·史伯岭绝不是列宁同志啊。

王力雄转过头来对我说:“看来你俩往后只能在Skype上见面了。”

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