2016年5月24日星期二

唯色RFA博客:有关我的书《杀劫》文革五十周年纪念新版


有关我的书《杀劫》文革五十周年纪念新版

/唯色

5月,出版过我的六本书的台湾大块文化公司,出版了我最重要的一本书——《杀劫》文革五十周年纪念新版。而十年前,即2006年文革四十周年之际,大块文化出版了我的这两本书:《杀劫》和《西藏记忆》。


《杀劫》是文革在西藏的历史影像及其评述。封面以“封存四十年的记忆禁区——镜头下的西藏文革”为说明,其内容集合了我父亲泽仁多吉于文革期间所拍摄的近三百张西藏文革照片,以及我依据这些照片从1999年起,在拉萨、北京等地访谈七十多人,历时六年多所做的调查、采访和写作,而完成的十余万字。《西藏记忆》是文革在西藏的口述史。我从七十多位访谈者中将二十三人有关西藏文革的讲述辑成此书。有评论认为:这两本互为表里的书提供了前所未见的研究中国统治下西藏文革期间情况的影像和第一手素材。并被评价“迄今为止,这是关于文革在西藏最全面的一批民间图片记录”,“文革研究的西藏部分因此不再空白”。

《杀劫》获《中国时报》2006年度中文创作类十大好书奖。评审专家认为“……作者唯色,她带领我们回顾文革在西藏造成的伤痕,不论是《杀劫》里透过照片还原当时的历史情境,或是《西藏记忆》里记载23位耆老的口述历史,唯色皆能忠实呈现这场政治劫难持续至今的影响与破坏。”获奖理由:“曾任解放军军官的父亲,遗留一批西藏文革照片。意外让作者展开一段重寻空白记忆之旅;按图索骥,寻访照片中人物,拼贴出被遗忘的历史,从而把西藏文革图文并茂地呈现给世人,为一场‘人类杀劫’补上一块重要拼图。”

今年,即2016年是文革五十周年,我重新修订《杀劫》一书,并补充了一万四千多字的文章“《杀劫》之后”,及二十多张近年来拍摄的照片(我用我父亲当年拍摄西藏文革的相机在同一地点拍摄),继续由大块文化出版,强调是文革五十周年纪念新版,同样的封面及装帧设计,只是说明改为:“不可碰触的记忆禁区,镜头下的西藏文革,第一次披露”;书腰上添加了这一行:文革依然是禁区,《杀劫》依然是禁书。


大块文化于57日晚,在诚品信义店举办了“《杀劫》文革50周年纪念新版发表会”,邀请我越洋连线参加,并邀请了“六四”学生运动领袖、中正及清华大学客座助理教授王丹,西藏议题学者、东华大学教师邓湘漪,财团法人达赖喇嘛西藏宗教基金会董事长、西藏当代史著作《血祭雪域》作者达瓦才仁对谈。但是,在发表会开始前半个小时,数名北京国保突至,要求我放弃这个活动,还称王丹是“国家敌人”。经交涉,我没有参加与三位受邀嘉宾的对谈,只是在发表会伊始做了匆促的发言,即便如此,我的网络还是很快被掐断。之后王丹撰文写到:这“成了新书发布会的一个精彩而具有象征意义的插曲。这个插曲,其实凸显了唯色的《杀劫》这本书触及到了当今中国的两个敏感问题,一个是西藏问题,一个是‘文革’问题,而这本用大量图片揭露西藏地区的文化在‘文革’期间如何受到摧残的书,一举把两个敏感问题结合在一起,也难怪中国安全部门如此大动干戈。”

王丹还在文章中写:“西藏问题有复杂的历史,文化和宗教背景,很多关心西藏议题的朋友,包括一些汉人,其实对于西藏问题的来龙去脉和历史沿革并不是那么了解。没有了解,就没有理解;没有理解,就不可能有平等的文化对话和深入的关切。……唯色的这本《杀劫》虽然不是全面的西藏问题的历史回顾,但是撷取了历史的一段展示给我们看,让我们可以对西藏走过的道路有更加细致的了解,这是这本书的重要意义之一。而选择‘文革’作为了解西藏问题的切入点,在今年的中国,也具有特别的意义。……‘文革’在中国,从未被真正检讨过,因此它的影响虽然已经过了五十年,依然在中国的肌体里发酵。……‘文革’虽然结束了,但仍是今天中国政局态势的重要观察指标。在‘文革’发动五十周年之际,唯色的《杀劫》的再版,有助于我们重视‘文革’的问题,这是本书的重要意义之二。”

美国之音于512日通过SKYPE连线,对我做了“唯色作品《杀劫-镜头下的西藏文革》新版发行”的视频采访。我介绍了何以在十年后出版新版,以及新版增加的图片所具有的意义与新写文章的内容。主持人问:文革到底给西藏带来什么样的劫难?我的回答则是解释了“杀劫”的含义,而这正是这本书的主题——

“杀劫”是藏语“革命”的发音,汉语拼音为“Sha Jie”。传统藏语中从无这个词汇。半个多世纪前,当共产党的军队开进西藏,为了在藏文中造出“革命”一词,将原意为“新”的藏语词汇和原意为“更换”的藏语词汇合而为一,从此有了“革命”。藏语“革命”在汉语中可以找到很多同音字,我选择的是“杀劫”,以此表明二十世纪五0年代以来的革命给西藏带来的劫难。五十年前,又一场被称为“文化大革命”的革命席卷西藏,于是“杀劫”之前被加上了藏语词汇的“文化”,而其发音,汉语拼音为Ren Lei,与汉语的“人类”发音相近,所以用汉语表达藏语中的“文化大革命”一词,就成了对西藏民族而言的 “人类杀劫”。


(转自唯色RFA博客

延伸阅读:

唯色作品《杀劫-镜头下的西藏文革》新版发行 http://www.voachinese.com/content/woeser-interview-20160511/3326357.html

2016年5月19日星期四

藏学家罗伯特·瑟曼(Robert Thurman) 关于《Tibet on Fire》的书评


Book Review: Tibet on Fire


Robert Thurman reviews Tsering Woeser’s book “Tibet on Fire,” which explores immolations in Tibet and includes cover art by Chinese artist Ai Weiwei.

The first recent self-immolation I know of occurred in 1997 in New Delhi—the elderly Tibetan ex-monk Thupten Ngodrup immolated his body in protest after the Indian police broke up his hunger strike by dragging him and other strikers off to receive intravenous force-feeding in a hospital. His Holiness the Dalai Lama was on his way to the U.S. at the time, but he got to the hospital where the bandage-mummified Ngodrup was lying, barely conscious, in the process of dying from the burns. His Holiness told me he whispered to Ngodrup, “Alright! You’ve made your appeal for freedom, which we wish you hadn’t, but it’s done now. But please, do not die now holding any hatred in your heart for the Chinese. Focus on your compassion for all beings!” His Holiness said that the dying man somehow made a nod of agreement and soon passed away. The Dalai Lama went on to say that he was very worried about the act. Again, when the more recent wave of immolations began in Tibet, the Dalai Lama deplored them, saying they were tragic and not effective. But he said he couldn’t condemn those who had done it but rather only pray that the intentions behind their acts were based on compassion, not anger and hatred.

Tibet on Fire

Self Immolations Against Chinese Rule

By Tsering Woeser; Cover art by Ai Weiwei
Verso 2016, 128 pp., $16.95
In Tibet on Fire, Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan–Chinese resident of Beijing, offers trenchant analysis of the phenomenon of self-immolation as protest. The author, who has worked tirelessly on behalf of the Tibetan people, is a being of great hope whose love encompasses the suffering people on the Tibetan plateau. Her writing is itself an act of heroism, as she risks retaliation from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is futilely attempting the ethnicide of the Tibetan “minority nationality.”
Woeser is helped in this book by the great artist Ai Weiwei, who created the cover. In the acknowledgements, she quotes his strong Twitter statement: “Tibet is the most serious test for today’s China and for the international community’s standards of human rights and justice. There is no dodging this test, and there is no getting around it. And thus far, everyone should be disgraced and ashamed at the results.”
Woeser’s main thesis in Tibet on Fire is that self-immolations are extraordinary acts of political protest—powerful, self-sacrificing outcries to call the world’s attention to the unbearable level of oppression crushing down on the Tibetan people by the CCP dictatorship. She defends the immolators against the spurious charges by CCP propagandists that they are “terrorists” or neurotic fanatics manipulated into their horrific acts by the “Dalai clique” to make negative propaganda against China. She refutes conclusively the CCP propaganda that China “liberated” Tibet, beneficially “developed” Tibet, and has made Tibetans happy members of the Chinese “motherland.” She vividly describes the overwhelming oppression of the Chinese military occupation, industrial-strength colonial exploitation, environmental degradation, cultural suppression, and virtual imprisonment of what the CCP leadership labels the “backward,” “seditious,” and “ungrateful” Tibetan people.
In the opening chapter, “Why Are Tibetans Self-Immolating?” Woeser quotes Kirti Rinpoche, abbot in exile of the Kirti Monastery in Amdo Province, in testimony before the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission of the U.S. Congress: “There is no greater expression of their desperate opposition to the Chinese government than by resorting to the most powerful method of a nonviolent movement, which is by refraining from causing any harm to the Chinese people and appealing to the Chinese government, than by setting themselves on fire.” Woeser further elaborates that “self-immolation is not suicide, and it is not a gesture of despair. Rather, self-immolation is sacrifice for a greater cause and an attempt to press for change.”
Woeser offers insights that for many may be surprising. Tibetans in Tibet are not, she points out, primarily seeking international support; rather, these protests are intended to reinforce national identity and unity and express the spiritual strength of the Tibetan people. Tibetan independence and preservation of the Tibetan language are central concerns. She also makes clear that while self-immolation is certainly a form of protest against the state, it is more than that—it is also meant to be understood as a religious offering.
Woeser also chronicles in rich and moving detail the outrageous activities of the CCP organs of propaganda media and police state enforcement, showing how the party hard-line bureaucrats, some of whom she mentions by name, are using the immolations as an excuse to crack down even harder on Tibetans while also trying to prevent news of the “human freedom torches” from reaching the people of Tibet, China, and the larger world.
The most important point Woeser makes is that the blame for these tragic outcomes—150-plus human lives freely and painfully given away for their cause—rests squarely on the oppressive policies and practices of the CCP-controlled occupation apparatus. Buddhism is not causing it, the Dalai Lama is not causing it, no clique or group is organizing it, neurotic delusions are not causing it—the CCP-directed ecocide and ethnicide, now even escalated into a classic colonialist genocide, is the sole cause of these immolations.
In her conclusion, Woeser questions the very term “self-immolation,” saying it makes people think of it as suicide, an act against the self. She brilliantly articulates the point from which our understanding of self-immolation must begin:
Self-immolators employ an extreme form of suffering, unbearable for the average person, so as to embody the most powerful form of protest and recapture their human dignity. …It is a pain that most cannot even bear to imagine, much less experience. And while I certainly do not encourage anyone to self-immolate, I do ask that we be brave enough to face the reality of this act directly when it occurs. In doing so, we can see the simultaneous heroism and tragedy of these acts, as protestors employ their own bodies in their struggle against a colossal, tyrannical machine.
Within the Buddhist world, there are mixed reactions to the acts of these Tibetan heroes. Many, in shock, think such thoughts as It is just plain awful, insane, un-Buddhist, a form of suicide, and even It is irreparably harmful to the Tibetan cause. Woeser indirectly responds to this way of mentally looking away from the “reality of the act” by citing the Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh, who defended the self-immolation of the Vietnamese monks in the sixties:
What the monks said in the letters they left before burning themselves [was that they] aimed only at alarming, at moving the hearts of the oppressors, and at calling the attention of the world to the suffering endured then by the Vietnamese. To burn oneself by fire is to prove that what one is saying is of the utmost importance… To express will by burning oneself, therefore, is not to commit an act of destruction but to perform an act of construction, i.e., to suffer and to die for the sake of one’s people. This is not suicide.
Woeser doesn’t take this Buddhist appreciation of the heroic act of self-immolation further, as her focus is on the element of protest involved in the unprecedented Tibetan cases. In a way, she is constrained from doing so, the same way His Holiness the Dalai Lama is.
In Buddhist history, there have been immolations resulting from both sadness and joy. When Shakyamuni Buddha left his body in the act of “total nirvana” (parinirvana), a number of the fully attained arhat–saints spontaneously combusted themselves in their grief at the loss of the presence of the Buddha. Mahakashyapa had to exercise his authority as successor head of the sangha to forbid others from doing the same, as they were needed to collect the teachings and to help the ongoing community. Then, in the Mahayana White Lotus Sutra, there is the story of the mythic bodhisattva Bhaishajya Raja, who burned his body as a lamp of offering to the Buddha who was his teacher, an act of pure joy and self-transcendence from which act he gains extraordinary accomplishments.
The Tibetan Buddhists, monks, nuns, lay men and women who have offered their bodies to the flames are fully aware of these traditions. From their perspective, they are not committing “suicide” (literally, “self-killing”) because they consider their “selves” to be more than their bodies; by committing such heroic acts of generosity, they are taking a huge evolutionary step of sending their subtle mindstream,samtana, (not their coarse personality mind) into a space of exalted freedom, whence they can assume another, better body. In fact, the Tibetan expression for the act is, literally, “burning one’s body with fire” or “offering one’s body in fire,” not “burning one’s self.” This is of course very hard for materialists, communist or capitalist, to understand; if one is convinced that the “self” is nothing but the body, then voluntarily giving up the body in extreme pain can only be considered masochistic suicide.
Kirti Rinpoche called such immolation “the most powerful method of a nonviolent movement.” Woeser’s book calls on us to realize just that and not to hide from its power by clinging to some mental notion that deprecates the courage of these yogis and yoginis of fierce freedom.
In a world so given over to violence and destructive consumption, these immolators are the heroes and heroines who offer to us all the vision of their determination that no one can conquer others, that harming another is harming oneself, that domination of others is self-enslavement, and that their loving nonviolence is ultimately more powerful than lethal violence. Woeser’s marvelous book honors them beautifully—as does Ai Weiwei’s elegant cover, black with embossed names of the immolators in Tibetan letters and Tibetan thangka-style flames emerging from the word Tibet. The physical book itself imparts a powerful experience.
In her conclusion to Tibet on Fire, Woeser leaves us with this: “Memories are intertwined with these flames. The heroes who have sacrificed themselves to the flames will remain with us as long as we cherish their memory. I join my hands in prayer for my compatriots who have committed these painful acts of sacrifice. I hold them, their memories, and their aspirations in the deepest and most profound respect, now and forever.”

诗人卓巴.茨仁旺姆关于《Tibet on Fire》的书评

Sacrifices Made for a Greater Cause – Tsering Wangmo Dhompa Reviews “Tibet on Fire” By Tsering Woeser



Tibet on Fire by Tsering Woeser, Verso Books, 2016
High Peaks Pure Earth presents a guest post, a review of Woeser’s “Tibet on Fire” written by Tsering Wangmo Dhompa, Tibetan poet and author of “A Home in Tibet”.
“Tibet on Fire: Self-Immolations Against Chinese Rule” by Woeser, translated by Kevin Carrico, was published at the beginning of 2016 by Verso Books. The cover image was designed by Chinese dissident artist Ai Weiwei.
A huge thank you to Tsering Wangmo Dhompa for this review.

“Sacrifices Made for a Greater Cause”
By Tsering Wangmo Dhompa


Late in the afternoon of 29 February 2016, Kalsang Wangdu, an eighteen-year-old monk died after setting himself on fire in Kardze, in Eastern Tibet. That was also the day when Dorje Tsering, a sixteen-year-old student self-immolated in Dehra Dun, India. From his hospital bed, Tsering said he had set his body on fire because he had always wanted to do something for Tibet [1]. He died four days later. Since March 2009, 144 individuals inside Tibet, and eight Tibetans in exile, have protested against the Chinese government by immolating themselves [2]. It is these devastating events that Tsering Woeser attempts to analyze and understand in Tibet on Fire: Self Immolations Against Chinese Rule, published by Verso in 2016.
Journals such as Cultural AnthropologyRevue d’Etudes Tibétaines and Seminar have devoted issues to the Tibetan self-immolations and the responses from scholars, artists, politicians gesture to the difficulty of ascribing meaning or fully comprehending this tragic phenomenon, but they recognize, too, the necessity of a response. Likewise, books such as Self -Immolation by Jamyang Soepa and Tibetan Self-Immolation: News, Views and Global Response compiled and edited by Bhuchung D. Sonam attempt to understand and record the acts. Woeser’s analysis of the self-immolations commands notable confidence not only because she is one of Tibet’s celebrated cultural critics and writers, but also because she knows life in Tibet [3]. She understands state power, censorship and violence: her book of essays Xizang biji (Notes on Tibet 2003) was banned in Lhasa and she was made to resign “voluntarily” from her job as an editor forXizang Wenxue (Tibetan Literature), the official journal of the Literature Association of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) [4]. Yet, she has taken on the responsibility of documenting every act of self-immolation and sharing the information on her blog; her work serves as a source for many existing writings on self-immolations. Tibet on Fire emerges out of the writings on her blog and the chapters maintain features of essay as well as reportage. The book attempts to answer, among other questions, these: How did we get here? How do we understand the self-immolations? It is also a powerful critique of the “wanton exercise of the power” of the Chinese Communist authorities and the international community’s apathetic silence to the death of 125 Tibetans (vii).
Woeser determines February 27, 2009, as the day “that self-immolation came to Tibet” (1). This is the day that Tapey, a monk from Kirti monastery, one of the major monasteries of the Gelugpa sect in Tibet, set his body alight in Ngawa within Amdo [5]. Many Tibetans had boycotted the celebration of the Tibetan New Year that year to mourn the first anniversary of two traumatic events: the riots that took place in Lhasa on March 14, 2008, and the day Tibetans remember as the “Ngawa Massacre” when military police fired into a crowd of peaceful protestors in Ngawa, killing twenty Tibetans. Woeser reads Tapey’s protest as a continuation of a response to the “wake up call” Tibetans experienced after witnessing the state violence in 2008; it is also the beginning of a new form of protest addressing the deep wound inflicted by the Chinese state on three generations of Tibetans.
Many of Tapey’s generation were altered by the experience of watching Tibetans like them die in 2008. Woeser writes that this third generation of Tibetans living under Chinese rule suffer in five areas of everyday life: their beliefs are suppressed; their ecosystem is decimated and looted; their language is devalued and de-emphasized in their own education systems; Han population transfer into Tibetan areas is transforming Tibetan life and livelihood; and Tibetans live under “an Orwellian monitoring system” rendering Tibet into a vast prison. It is in such an environment that protests take form. Woeser writes that the self-immolations are not suicide, not a gesture of despair, and not to be understood or judged solely by Buddhist precepts, (as they are variously read in exile). She insists that they can only be judged “by its political results” (26). The death of each Tibetan is a “torch” shedding light “on a land trapped in darkness” (26). The death of each Tibetan is pointing to the memory and history of a long oppression.
Woeser knows well this darkness; everything changed for her in March 2008. In the epilogue to Voices from Tibet, a book co-authored by Woeser and Wang Lixiong in 2014, Woeser writes about the silence that followed the violent suppression of Tibetan voices inside Tibet. It was the loudness of the Chinese State’s “propaganda machine” drowning Tibetan suffering and voices in the months following the March 2008 protests that compelled Woeser to speak out. She and Wang became the daily chroniclers of events in 2008. She points out in the epilogue to the book that writing became her own way to fight against oppression. To write is to “experience,” to “pray,” and to “bear witness.” For her, all the three intertwine. To bear witness, she writes, “is to give voice” (Epilogue). As with the events in 2008, Woeser feels the responsibility to document the self-immolations that take place in Tibet and to “share memories that simply must not be forgotten” (97). In that, the text is a testimony, homage, history, memorial, and a protest that insists the right to dignity for Tibetans in Tibet.
Analyzing the final words of fifty-six protestors at the moment of self-immolation, Woeser arrives at nine conclusions out of which Tibetan independence and national identity are core issues (37). Woeser argues that the “bravest protestors in Tibet” choose the radical method because it is the only method that will capture the world. But this is not to suggest that these are reactions out of hopelessness, on the contrary, she views them as “sacrifices” that seek to bring change. These are acts that protest. It is precisely because it is a form of protest against a systematic tyrannical government, that the protest will not cease till the root causes are addressed (65). It is the Chinese Communist Party who can halt these protests, not Tibetans, not the Dalai Lama, she writes.
It is also because of these brave individuals that “Tibet, under siege, has not yet perished” (97). In light of their sacrifices, the lack of a meaningful response points to an unwillingness to bear witness to the horror of this act. Woeser chooses to cherish their memories, to respect and keep alive their aspirations. Remembering their sacrifice is to also remember that it is the oppressive racialized methods of control maintained by the Chinese state that undergird the self-immolations. Tibet on Fire is a brave call to the world to listen, and to understand what it means to live as humans.
Footnotes:
[1] Voice of America, March 4, 2016.
[2] International Campaign for Tibet.
[3] Woeser lives in Beijing but spends many months in Lhasa every year.
[4] The official charges against Notes on Tibet were made by Shi Jifeng, Deputy Director of the General Bureau of Journalism and Publication, who stated that the book encourages “reverence to, and belief in, religion” through its praise for “the Dalai Lama and the Karmapa” (Wang Lixiong 2009 117).
[5] Now part of China’s Sichuan Province.
Works Cited:
Woeser Tsering. Tibet on Fire. London: Verso, 2016. Print.
Woeser Tsering and Wang Lixiong. Voices from Tibet. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2014. Print.
“Self-Immolations by Tibetans.” International Campaign for Tibet. Web. 2 March 2016.
“Tibetan Schoolboy Who Set Himself Alight Dies.” Voice of America. 4 March 2016.

2016年5月16日星期一

唯色:《西藏记忆》:西藏文革大事记

图片选自唯色的《杀劫:镜头下的西藏文革》一书, 拍摄者是唯色的父亲。摄于一九六六年八月十九日,拉萨五万人集会游行庆祝无产阶级文化大革命,西藏文化大革命的序幕正式拉开。


《西藏记忆》:西藏文革大事记


/唯色

2006年,文革四十周年之际,我的两本有关西藏文革的著作由台湾大块文化出版。一本是我依据我父亲拍摄的近三百张被文革席卷的西藏其况貌的照片(被认为是关于西藏文革最全面的民间照片),在拉萨等地所做的长达六年多的采访、搜集与调查,而完成的图文书——《杀劫:镜头下的西藏文革》。一本是我采访二十三位藏、汉、回经历者,口述西藏文革种种的《西藏记忆》。

今年是文革五十周年,我重新修订图文书,并补充了一万四千多字的后记,及二十多张近年拍摄的照片(我用我父亲当年拍摄西藏文革的相机在同一地点拍摄),继续由台湾大块文化出版,强调是文革五十周年纪念新版,主题:文革依然是禁区,《杀劫》依然是禁书。

而在十年前出版的《西藏记忆》一书中,附有一篇<西藏文革大事记>,是我依据中国官方发行出版的书籍、报刊,及相关资料整理而成。主要包括:1、《中共西藏党史大事记》,西藏自治区党史资料征集委员会编,西藏人民出版社,1995年:2、《西藏大事辑录(19491985)》,由西藏农牧学院马列教研室、西藏自治区党校理论研究室合编,1986年;3、《西藏日报》(1965-1970年);4、《周恩来与西藏》,西藏自治区党史办公室编,中国藏学出版社,1998年;5、《中国文化大革命文库光碟》,由美国《中国文化大革命文库光碟》编委会及香港中文大学中国研究服务中心合作编撰,宋永毅主编,2002年。等等。

为了让世人了解西藏(指今中国行政区划的西藏自治区)文革的概况,在此发表这篇<西藏文革大事记>(有修订,有补充)。需要强调的是,众所周知,文革在中国是禁区,西藏文革则是禁区中的禁区,我以一己之力了解到的所谓西藏文革大事,只是概貌。正如我在《西藏记忆》的前言中所写:“在这本书里仅收入了对其中二十三位的采访,远不足以再现西藏的文革面貌,无非是一些人在人生中最为值得纪念的故事。但这些故事有太多的叹息和泪水,都是每个人心中的重负,当我倾听,当我记录,当我公布,最大的希望就是让更多的人记住,而不是忘却。发生在西藏的文革,其实存在于千家万户的故事里,存在于民间每个角落的记忆中。”

以下是修订后的西藏文革大事记:

1966


5月底 中共西藏自治区党委“文化大革命领导小组”成立,随后,各地、各单位的“文革领导小组”陆续成立。

61575 中共西藏自治区党委扩大会议做出在全区开展“文化大革命”的决定

819 拉萨五万群众集会,庆祝“无产阶级文化大革命”。在西藏自治区党委“文化大革命领导小组”的号召下,西藏文化大革命的序幕正式拉开。

824 拉萨中学、西藏师范学校等学校的红卫兵开始走上街头“破四旧”。拉萨各居委会要求居民对所辖区的寺院、佛殿、佛塔等宗教建筑“破四旧”。大昭寺等寺院被砸。

826日至831《西藏日报》,连续六天头版报道:“造反有理 革命万岁 拉萨红卫兵举起铁扫帚横扫旧世界”;“拉萨红卫兵向旧世界发动猛烈攻击;“拉萨红卫兵以摧枯拉朽之势扫荡‘四旧’”;“破旧立新的革命风暴席卷拉萨全城”;“拉萨红卫兵闻风而动决心在斗争中进一步向解放军学习”;“拉萨红卫兵破旧立新宣传活动深入居民庭院

827 在政府统一指挥下,拉萨市各居委会组织积极分子和居民沿街游斗所辖区的“牛鬼蛇神”,并在大昭寺的讲经场集中批斗。“牛鬼蛇神主要包括宗教界人士、旧政府官员、贵族、商人、旧军官和农村牧区的庄园主、头领等。

101 拉萨举行五万人参加的“建国十七周年”集会。相互对立的“群众组织”剑拔弩张。张国华在前一天的内部高层会议上提出西藏情况特殊,要劝阻进藏学生和本地学生到部队抓人搜家。

1015 周恩来接见中央民族学院干训班十一名西藏学生,发表关于西藏的谈话。指出:“这次文化大革命是思想大革命,就是要把喇嘛制度彻底打碎,解放小喇嘛。……西藏正在破四旧,打庙宇,破喇嘛制度,这都很好,但庙宇是否可以不打烂,作为学校,仓库利用起来。佛像,群众要毁可以毁一些,但也要考虑保留几所大庙,否则,老年人会对我们不满意。

1028 张国华向周恩来恳求不要汉族学生到西藏串联,但未果。

10 大昭寺被设为“红卫兵破四旧成果展览办公室”,全拉萨在“破四旧”时收缴的佛像等珍贵佛教用具集中于此,由拉萨市公安局局长带领工作组驻扎数月,经版、经书、唐卡等被当成燃料使用。

1026 中共西藏自治区党委提出在边境地区一般不进行“文革”运动

11月初 北京多所大学(如清华大学、北京地质学院、北京航空学院、北京第二医学院、北京大学、北京科技大学、北京师范学院、北京工业学院)和咸阳西藏民族学院及哈尔滨军工大、内蒙古交通学校等学校的红卫兵到西藏串联。

1112 西藏自治区第一支“毛泽东思想长征宣传队”从拉萨出发,徒步去北京串连。

1122 中国各地约十一万份传单寄到西藏。

1222 造反派“拉萨革命造反总部”(简称“造总”)成立,上千人集会,发布成立宣言。总部设在“尧西达孜”(原为达赖喇嘛家族府邸,达赖喇嘛及家族流亡印度后被没收,改设西藏自治区第二招待所)。总司令是拉萨中学老师陶长松。有《红色造反报》藏汉文版。主要组织为“专打土皇帝联络委员会”、“西藏红卫兵革命造反司令部”、“拉萨革命造反公社”等。成员包括学生、工人、干部、居民、农牧民。

1967


111 中共西藏自治区各部、委、厅、局相继被造反派夺权

123 “拉萨革命造反总部”、“拉萨革命造反公社”和“首都赴藏造反革命总部”,代表拉萨三百多个“造反组织”主持召开了两万多人参加的“无产阶级革命派大联合,夺走资本主义道路当权派的权誓师大会”,通过给毛泽东的致敬电和“告西藏全区人民书”,举行火炬游行。

1月下旬 中共中央同意张国华(西藏军区司令员兼西藏自治区委员会第一书记)去北京治病,并任命周仁山为西藏自治区党委代理第一书记。

25 造反派“无产阶级大联合革命总指挥部”(简称“大联指”)成立。总部设在布达拉宫下的“雪”村和自治区党委院内班禅小楼。总指挥是自治区党委秘书刘绍民。有《风雷激战报》藏汉文版。主要组织为“农奴戟”、“农牧民司令部”、“工总司”等。成员包括学生、工人、干部、居民、农牧民。

29 首都红卫兵和拉萨一部分群众组织的成员冲进西藏军区,揪斗张国华

210 西藏军区大院实行军事戒严

215 西藏军区奉命实行军事管制

226 西藏军区对西藏日报社、西藏人民广播电台和拉萨有线广播站实行军事接管,抓了陶长松等一批人,《西藏日报》一度停刊。

3月初 先是成立了“军区支援地方文化大革命办公室”,任命军区党委常委、政治部主任阴法唐为主任,下设农牧、工交、文革、政法等组。此后,各地(市)也随之成立了类似的“办公室”。

35 以“大联指”为主的各界群众和解放军军人近三万人,在拉萨举行“彻底粉碎资产阶级反动路线新反扑誓师大会”。之后举行全城大游行。

37 《西藏日报》刊登军区三月三日发布的通令,规定一切“革命群众”和“群众组织”都要协助军区完成军事接管任务。

41 中央文革小组下达“四·一指示”,表示要为造反派平反,命令军队停止镇压造反派。关押七十一天的陶长松获释,“造总”东山再起,数日后在拉萨召开上万人群众大会,谴责“大联指”。

511 中共中央决定成立西藏军事管制委员会,张国华为主任,任荣、陈明义为副主任,他们都是“大联指”观点的支持者。“军管会”设在自治区交际处内,由军区司令部、政治部、联络部、后勤部各部选派人员约两百人,分宣传组、生产组等,有《高原战士报》和广播车。毛泽东给各地军管会的任务是“三支两军”。

5 张国华调四川,任成都军区第一政治委员、四川省革委会筹备小组组长,兼西藏军区司令员。西藏高层官员为争夺张遗留的权力空缺,各自利用“群众组织”明争暗斗,西藏武斗恶化。《西藏日报》一度停止出版。

625 第一批藏汉文对照的《毛主席语录》三十万册在西藏发行。

6 西藏军区派一个连的兵力进驻大昭寺,金属佛像、金属法器、金属供具等佛教用具被运出西藏。

823917 两派群众组织在拉萨武斗,制造大量死伤

918 周恩来、陈伯达、康生、江青等人在京召见西藏领导人。周恩来要求两派通过大批判实现大联合,停止武斗。并下发“关于制止西藏武斗的五项指示”。

1968


226 西藏自治区在北京举办“毛泽东思想学习班”,有军队干部、群众组织负责人和地方干部三百多人参加,为成立“西藏自治区革命委员会”做准备。

58 毛泽东等接见在北京学习的西藏人员,就文化大革命问题作指示。

67 拉萨发生西藏文革血案“六·七大昭寺事件”。解放军拉萨警备区部队军事攻击被“造总”设为广播站的大昭寺,开枪,在寺院内打死十人,在寺院外打死两人,伤多人。

828 中共中央、国务院、中央军委、中央文革小组批示成立西藏自治区革命委员会。

95 中共西藏自治区革委会成立。军管会被撤销。

119 “西藏自治区无产阶级革命派大联合造反总指挥部”(“大联指”)宣布撤销总部并同时停刊《风雷激战报》。

1113 西藏军区在拉萨人民体育场为“拉萨革命造反总部”(“造总”)等群众组织召开平反大会。在“六·七大昭寺事件”中丧生的十二人,被埋葬在拉萨西郊“烈士陵园”内特别修建的小陵园,西藏军区和西藏革委会为其立碑。

1114 毛泽东针对“六·七大昭寺事件”批示:“军队领导不袒护部队所作坏事,替受害人民伸冤,这种态度是国家兴旺的表现。”“造总制作刻有毛批示的像章。

127 西藏军区由大军区改为省级军区,归成都军区领导。

12910 西藏自治区革委会要求群众组织停止武斗,收缴武器弹药,“削平山头”。但是各地群众组织之间的武斗仍然不断。

1969


211 毛泽东、林彪签发了中共中央、中央文革《关于西藏地区文化大革命应该注意的问题》的文件,被称为“红五条”。

39《中共西藏党史大事记》记载:“丁青发生反革命暴乱事件:丁青县一小撮反革命分子成立所谓‘怒澜两江卫教神军总指挥部’,武装袭击当地机关和驻军,抢劫各种枪支三百余支、国营牧场牛羊九百余头(只)、国库粮食五十余万斤,毒打残害干部、群众二十余人。”

322 西藏自治区革委会、西藏军区发出《关于建立各级革委会的范围的通知》,规定地、县、区、乡(人民公社)、街道办事处均建立革委会,生产队建立革命领导小组。

325 “拉萨革命造反总部”、“拉萨革命造反公社”、“西藏红卫兵革命造反司令部”决定撤消总部、各分部和司令部。

41 “大联指”所属的“工总司”等九个群众组织撤消总部。

68 《中共西藏党史大事记》记载:“一月底,边坝县一小撮反革命分子制定了‘不要共产党、不要交公粮、不要社会主义’的‘三不’反动纲领;继而又建立‘四水六岗卫教军’,和所谓‘翻身农奴革命造反司令部’。五月二十日,袭击县委机关,打伤干部职工三十余人。六月八日,又集中两千余人袭击县委机关,夺县革委会的权,抢走县革委会各办事机构公章。接着,又几次袭击边坝县、区机关和军宣队,抢劫县人武部武器弹药,炸毁军宣队住房,打、抢、烧、杀达十七天之久,打伤干部、战士上百名,还进行砍手、剜眼、剖腹等野蛮手段,残害致死干部、战士五十余人。”

613《中共西藏党史大事记》记载:“尼木县发生反革命暴乱事件:尼木县一反动尼姑赤列曲珍利用宗教迷信,跳神并呼喊口号,煽动群众围攻、殴打军宣队,军宣队二十二人全部被害。二十一日,在尼姑庙杀害基层干部积极分子十三人。”

7《中共西藏党史大事记》记载:“日喀则地区南木林等县出现骚乱活动日 日喀则地区南木林、谢通门、拉孜、昂仁等县反动分子造谣惑众,制造骚乱,搞垮了一大批县、区、乡(公社)革委会。”

726《中共西藏党史大事记》记载:“比如县发生反革命暴乱事件”

8 为贯彻毛泽东“深挖洞,广积粮,不称霸”的战备方针,中共中央决定成立全国性的“人民防空领导小组”,各省、市、自治区也成立“人民防空领导小组”,掀起挖防空壕、建防空洞、搞防空演习的热潮。包括拉萨等地。

925 中共中央指示:“西藏一些地区的一小撮阶级敌人,利用民族情绪,宗教迷信,煽动胁迫群众抢劫国家和群众财物,破坏交通,已完全属于反革命性质”。必须“采取断然措施,决不能让其蔓延”。西藏军区下达平息“反革命暴乱”的命令。当时被定性“再叛”(再次“叛乱”)。所谓“再叛”,是相对1956-1959年全藏区发生的藏人武装反抗中共政权的事件而言。

9 大昭寺被拉萨警备区司令部所占据,直至1970年代初。一层数十间佛殿被当成猪圈,二层佛殿是军人宿舍,护法殿被设成男女厕所。大昭寺另一部分设为屠宰场。警备区司令部撤出后,大昭寺被改成拉萨市委第二招待所。

926 西藏各地区革委会全部成立

927 《西藏日报》报道:拉萨中学首批一百三十二名知识青年到农村安家落户。

10 西藏自治区革委会将全区大部分机关干部职工约五千余人集中到林芝、波密举办“毛泽东思想学习班”,一边劳动、一边进行清队、整党,长达近四年,制造了大批冤、假、错案和命案。

1970


2月初 在拉萨人民体育场举行数万人集会的“拉萨市革命委员会公判大会,公审尼木县尼姑赤列曲珍等十八名“反革命叛乱分子”,并游街押往流沙河刑场处决。之后多次举行公审大会及公开处决。

414 《西藏日报》报道:一年来,驻藏人民解放军组织成千上万支毛泽东思想宣传队,深入农牧区宣传毛泽东思想。

610 西藏自治区内办起六百多个人民公社,其中十三个县已实现“公社化”。

128 中共中央发出《关于西藏社会主义改造问题的指示》,表示同意西藏全面实行“公社化”。毛泽东在文件上批了“照办”二字。

1971


47 中共中央决定免去曾雍雅革委会主任、党的核心小组组长、军区司令员职务,由任荣代理自治区革委会主任、党的核心小组组长,陈明义任西藏军区司令员。

429 西藏自治区革委会、西藏军区等举行三万人的批判大会,批判周仁山、王其梅等人,罪名为“刘、邓路线”(刘少奇和邓小平)安插在西藏的“黑手”。

8 西藏自治区第一届党代会在拉萨召开,会议宣布将周仁山、王其梅永远开除出党。

12 西藏第一批少数民族工农兵上大学,是文革以来中央民族大学和西藏民族学院第一次在西藏招生。

1972


16 西藏自治区革委会发布《关于维修拉萨地区寺庙的通知》,指哲蚌寺、色拉寺、罗布林卡和布达拉宫等处为保留寺庙。

221 原西藏自治区党委第一书记、西藏军区司令员张国华在成都去世

3 位于陕西省咸阳市的西藏民族学院复院。

6月至7 中共中央在北京京西宾馆召开西藏工作会议,是“中央在全国形势仍很复杂的情况下召开的一次有关西藏经济和社会发展问题的重要会议,对纠正文化大革命前期对西藏的冲击和破坏,稳定西藏局势,恢复和发展生产起到了一定的作用”。周恩来接见西藏军政官员,指出随着中美关系的改善和中日建交,全国将采取有领导的开放,西藏也不例外。

72 西藏自治区革委会发布《关于重点文物古迹单位的保护、维修事宜》的通知,要求各地市立即组织力量,指定专人负责,对重点文物进行调查了解,防止盗窃等。

714 西藏自治区革委会批转拉萨市《关于哲蚌、色拉两寺维修、保护、使用问题的请示报告》。规定一律不准占用拉萨三大寺的经堂。并要求对已占用空房、仓库,占用单位要负责保护、维修,严禁拆毁和破坏。同时要求昌都、日喀则、山南三地革委会着手组织检查和维修一些重点寺庙。

822 西藏自治区革委会同意重点对大昭寺进行维修。大昭寺维修工程从19721月开始,到19757月基本完工。

105 西藏自治区革委会批转文教局《关于加强文物保护管理规定的报告》,规定凡是历史文物,要进一步做好登记、保护工作,防止将文物当作非文物处理。

1973


2春节期间,西藏自治区歌舞团藏族男女演员学演革命现代舞剧《白毛女》,在拉萨大昭寺南传统上通过辩经考取藏传佛教高级学位的讲经场演出。

220 西藏自治区农牧业战线在拉萨举行“抓革命、促生产誓师大会,掀起了“远学大寨,近学列麦”群众运动。

6 由中国共青团西藏自治区委员会翻译出版藏文版的学习雷锋文件。

8 西藏第三次牧区工作会议关于牧区人民公社分初级社、高级社。

118 西藏军区在海拔3800米高寒地区大规模种植冬小麦丰收。被认为“这是西藏历史上农业发展的重要变革“。

11 西藏自治区革委会办事组要求:继续维修已保留下来的国务院和自治区管理的文物保护单位,大昭寺、哲蚌寺、色拉寺、扎寺、白居寺、萨迦寺、卓玛拉康,退还占用保留寺庙和清真寺。

1974


228 西藏自治区党委在拉萨召开一万八千人的“批林批孔”(批判林彪和孔子)大会。会后,西藏全区开展“批林批孔运动”。

8240多名县以上干部赴山西昔阳县大寨大队及河北、河南、四川等地参观学习。西藏自治区革委会年底召开全区农业牧业学大寨经验交流会。

105 西藏自治区全区共建立1921个人民公社,除个别未改乡外,百分之九十以上的乡建人民公社,基本上实现人民公社化。

10300名藏人被选送北京等地上大学。

1117 中共副总理陈永贵到西藏视察,推动“学大寨”运动(大寨位于山西,是曾在陈永贵领导下的一个生产大队,被中共竖为全国农民学习的榜样)。

1975


95 西藏自治区成立十周年,以华国锋为团长的中共中央代表团到达拉萨。

1220 西藏开展“反击右倾反案风”运动

1976


214 西藏自治区革委会批转自治区文化局《关于在普及大寨县的群众运动中认真做好文物保护工作的报告》。

4 中央新闻纪录电影制片厂拍摄的《西藏高原大寨花》上映,讲述西藏第一个人民公社即堆龙德庆县的通嘎人民公社“劈山开石、造田、治水,一场农业学大寨的群众运动在西藏高原轰轰烈烈地开展起来

99 毛泽东去世。16日和18日,拉萨举行三万多人和五万多人的追悼大会。

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