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2026年4月15日星期三

An Interview with Tsering Woeser

 

An Interview with Tsering Woeser

Kamila Hladíková

Born in Lhasa in the summer of 1966, amid the turbulence at the outset of the Cultural Revolution, Tsering Woeser’s mixed Sino-Tibetan origins and early education in Mandarin prefigured the poet’s estrangement from her ancestral land. Her lifelong exile was first spiritual, and then, inevitably, material. Unlike many of her fellow uprooted Tibetans, the present locus of her exile is Beijing, where she is largely confined to a heavily surveilled high-rise on the outskirts of the city’s inner circle. The view from her window stretches to the chaotic tangle of highways and flyovers of the outer ring roads, foregrounded by a forest of cranes and skyscrapers. Yet the apartment itself, furnished in the Tibetan style, featuring an agglomeration of Tibetan Buddhist objects and a small personal shrine, provides tranquil refuge from the curtain of smog shrouding the megalopolis that hems Woeser in.

For Woeser, the ultimate refuge, however, is her wide-ranging writing practice, comprising poetry, essays, blogging, and documentary narratives of modern Tibetan history. Though her mother tongue is Tibetan and she grew up speaking a Kham dialect, Woeser learned to read and write only in Chinese. During the economic boom of the nineties, she had the opportunity to publish her works on the Chinese market but ultimately chose not to comply with the strictures of the official system.

Her first poetry collection, Tibet Above, was published in 1999 by the Tibetan People’s Publishing House of Qinghai Province. Her second book, the essay collection Notes on Tibet, however, skirted more traditional publishing channels and was carried by an influential liberal publisher in Guangzhou controversial within the Party. It was banned as soon as the authorities in Lhasa caught wind of it. This proved to be a pivotal moment for Woeser, galvanizing her desire to write more openly about the situation in Tibet. The first thing she focused on after becoming a “dissident” was the heavily tabooed subject of the Cultural Revolution in Tibet. In 2006, she published Forbidden Memory: Tibet during the Cultural Revolution, a documentary treatment of personal photographic material left behind by her father (a high-ranking officer in the People’s Liberation Army), and Memory of Tibet, a collection of oral histories. A prolific blogger and essayist, Woeser remains a poet at heart. Rebel Under the Burning Sun, a new collection written during the author’s last visit to Lhasa in spring and summer 2018, is forthcoming in English, translated by Ian Boyden. Woeser is the recipient of numerous honors recognizing her literary and humanitarian achievements, among them the U.S. Secretary of State’s International Women of Courage Award (2013), the International Women’s Media Foundation’s Courage in Journalism Award (2010), and the Norwegian Authors’ Union’s Freedom of Expression Prize (2007). 

—Kamila Hladíková

 
How was your understanding of Tibet shaped, and what compelled you to begin unearthing its “forbidden memory”?

I am three-quarters Tibetan and one-quarter Han Chinese. I was born in Lhasa. I have spent about two-thirds of my life in Tibet, partly in Lhasa and partly in the eastern area of Kham, and only one-third in Chinese cities, first Chengdu and now Beijing.  

For a long time, during my educational years, I did not distinguish between Tibetan and Han national identities. We all studied in Chinese and everybody was speaking Mandarin. I have not had any Tibetan education. At the time, Tibetan language education was not established in any part of Tibet.

I left Lhasa when I was four years old and came back when I was twenty-four. Only then did I realize that I had been completely Sinicized and become a stranger in my own homeland. My identity was confused. At one time I thought that I had solved this question: I convinced myself that my identity as a poet transcended everything, and that national identity was not important. In fact, I had lost myself, and from my current perspective, the process of searching for, resisting, and finally accepting myself really took me too long.

Part of my understanding of Tibet comes from reading. In the earliest phase, I read Thubten Jigme Norbu’s Tibet: Its History, Religion and People (co-written with Colin Turnbull), In Exile from the Land of Snows by the American journalist John F. Avedon, and His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s My Land and My People and Freedom in Exile, all in Chinese translation. The interesting fact is that the first two books were published officially in Lhasa in the 1980s. The authorities allowed them to be translated as material intended “for critical evaluation” but did not expect them to become so popular and they were banned very quickly.

Another part comes from my life in Lhasa and my extensive travels throughout Tibet. As I have written in my poetry collection The White of the Land of Snows: “Having experienced many changes during my life, bathing in the exceptionally splendid sunlight of Tibet, unceasing and resistant to the wind of changes, I gradually started to experience and truly appreciate the compassion and wisdom of Tibetan Buddhism. Gradually, I was able to see and hear the glory and the suffering embedded in Tibetan history and presence . . . that all gave me the sense of a mission: I wanted to tell the world about the secrets of Tibet.”   

So, what are the secrets of Tibet? In my view they are embedded in both the hidden present reality and the hidden past. In a synopsis to a new story that I am working on about an aristocratic family, I have written: “There are too many gaps between us and the historic Tibet, between us and the geographic Tibet, between all the innumerous small details. It is the reason why I want, through the story of one aristocratic family, to put more light on the collective memory, the trauma of one nation. I want to attempt to use a personal story to fight back and regain a part of my own history, the history of my land, that was stolen and forcefully rewritten.” I hope that through the story of my own family I will be able to excavate the voice of an oppressed nation.    

After publishing Notes on Tibet in 2003, you became a “dissident,” and with dissident status came the inherent politicization of your work. Nonetheless, much of your writing, not only your poetry but also your nonfiction, is highly personal, subjective, and rich in literary or poetic flavor. How do you navigate the relationship between your political status and your literary voice—do they go hand in hand for you, or do you feel that becoming a dissident has limited the reception of your literary work as such?  
 
In terms of form, my writing can be divided into four categories: poetry; literary nonfiction (essays, travelogues, and narrative pieces); journalistic and documentary texts, including commentaries; and long-term research-based work making sense of archival photographic material of Cultural Revolution-era Tibet left behind by my father.

In a certain sense, though, I am always writing poetry. Whether I write an essay, a story, or a commentary, my approach is always as if I was writing a poem. The Chinese character for poem (诗) consists of two components, one representing “speech” and the other a Buddhist monastery. Taken literally, a poet’s tool is thus both aesthetically and spiritually purposive. A poet endowed with the exceptional ability to perceive beauty can at the same time become a witness and use poetry as the vehicle to express what one remembers.

As I wrote in Notes on Tibet, which was banned for “serious political mistakes”: “The enormous and suffering body of Tibet is pressed by a stone pushing onto its spine. ‘Glory’ and ‘indifference’—I can only choose one!” By “glory” I meant not only the “glory” of the poet, but also the “glory” of someone with a conscience.  

A person of conscience must face both present reality and history upright, no matter how cruel. As a Tibetan poet, I have felt the tension between the two, and it was this tension that ultimately scattered the “ivory tower” and “art-for-art’s-sake” stance of my previous writing. In autumn 2004, as my work underwent this transformation and began to touch more on Tibetan reality and history, I wrote: “So one should write, if only that they be remembered; / And this shall be the author’s pitiable claim to righteousness. / Of course, I am not worthy. I’ll be, at most, one who reveals at times / her private thoughts.”

That Notes on Tibet was banned meant I was expelled from the official system and thus became a “dissident.” Paradoxically, for me it was a liberation of the soul. If I had stayed within the system, I would have become resigned and depressed. Since the Tibetan protests in 2008, and the self-immolations that followed, everything has changed—I have started to see myself as a documentarist, trying not to betray those who made such sacrifices.

Nevertheless, I do not consider my work to be activism. I write to search, to clarify things, to keep my own identity, and to regain my individual voice and that of my nation.

Your writing often touches on memory—suppressed or forbidden memory, the gaps in memory, and trauma. You seem to be inspired by writers of Jewish origin (like Osip Mandelstam or Elie Wiesel) and writers whose lives were defined by their resistance to communist regimes (Anna Akhmatova, but also the Czech writers Václav Havel and Milan Kundera). How do these experiences dovetail with the experiences of Tibetans in the twentieth century?  

One sentence from Milan Kundera’s The Book of Laughter and Forgetting made a very deep impression on me: “The struggle between a man and power is nothing else than a struggle between remembering and forgetting.” Those in power use lies to construct memory, to make people forget, to confiscate and destroy memory. Memory is the foundation for our individual as well as collective existence. The history of a nation consists of the personal histories of its people. Descartes said, “I think, therefore I am”; but in Tibet, it should be, “I remember, therefore we are.” We need the memories of eyewitnesses.

The way I write today is a gradual expression of my own Tibetan identity, which is closely bound up with Tibetan history, geography, and traditional culture, as well as with the personal history of countless Bödpa (Tibetans). Retelling personal histories, our own or those of others, is in fact a means to restore personal and collective memory. It is a kind of healing process, at least for me.

As my writing developed into a more self-conscious stage, I started to pay attention to writers, poets, and scholars who have resisted totalitarianism (especially communist totalitarianism), colonialism, and imperialism. As Edward Said wrote: “Colonialism and imperialism are for me not abstract terms, but rather a specific life experience and form of life, almost unbearably concrete.” In fact, only because of my own experience with colonialism and that of my nation did I start to read and be influenced by works dealing with colonialism and post-colonialism. Among them, the deepest influence came from Said, whom I can almost consider my teacher. Recently I reread his book Culture and Imperialism and once again felt really inspired by it. I should add a few more names, like Fanon, Camus, Naipaul, and Rushdie. Because of my own experience, I am interested in other totalitarian regimes and the writers, poets, and scholars who examine them, including the former Soviet Union and Eastern European countries like Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Romania.

In some of your essays you have questioned the Chinese “right to represent Tibet.” There are not many voices from Tibet heard worldwide aside from the official Chinese narrative and Tibetan voices in exile. Do you encounter any voices representing Tibet coming from within? Is there such a thing as “real Tibetan literature”?

I never questioned the “right” of the Chinese or Han people to “represent Tibet.” Wang Lixiong, for example, is Han Chinese, but his books and articles about Tibet are extremely deep and sober works about Tibetan history and the present moment. In fact, the key question is not who has or does not have the right to represent some place, but how best to represent it. What I have questioned, or what I am against, is the representation of Tibet based on the ideology of state nationalism and national unification.  

Actually, this is not only the problem of Han Chinese people. Tibetan intellectuals within the system hold the same positions and, as they try to please the authorities, their waists are even more crooked. I used to work as a reporter for a Party newspaper and as an editor for a Party periodical, I even wrote some “main melody” reportage pieces. I know very well what it is like when you do not have the right to speak for yourself. Intellectuals have no choice but to swallow their conscience and comply with the rules about what to talk about and how.

And what is so-called “Tibetan literature”? Is it literature from Tibet? Or literature about Tibet? Or is it literature that is written in Tibetan? I worked as an editor of Tibetan Arts and Literature for more than ten years and as I understood it, the whole term “Tibetan literature” was coined in reference to the works written under Party leadership. The Party invested a lot of money and effort to establish this Tibetan Arts and Literature magazine in Lhasa, and the only reason was to let it speak for the Party. It is the Party that designs, organizes, and censors “Tibetan literature”­­­­­­­­­—if the work complies, it can be considered “Tibetan literature”; if not, then it is not. Back then I planned to do special issues on “Amdo literature”, “Ü-tsang literature”, and “Kham literature” to cover the whole of Tibet. I even made contracts with local writers from these areas to submit their texts. But in the end I could not finish these special issues as I intended, because all “Tibetan literature” had to go through the censorship of the propaganda department and they thought it was supporting the “Great Tibet” and did not approve it.

And what is Chinese literature? What is American literature? If I write something in Tibetan, but not about Tibet, is it still “Tibetan literature”? Herta Müller, who also lived under a totalitarian regime, once quoted the words of another emigrant: “Homeland is not the language you speak but what you say.”  If you do not talk about the reality of life in your homeland, the local language only becomes a cruel tool for whitewashing. Therefore, I strongly oppose the use of this so-called “Tibetan literature” concept.   

Of course there are voices representing Tibet. But we should not limit them only to Tibet proper. Voices from within Tibet aren’t the only “Tibetan voices.” People from the West who want to listen can hear many of them. After His Holiness and tens of thousands of Tibetans were forced into exile, an unprecedented number of Tibetan voices speaking many languages emerged. There are Tibetans who write in Chinese, English, and other languages, and their voices are no less rich and colorful.

For decades now in the West, Tibet has been “orientalized” as the exotic and mysterious Shangri-la. Many so-called supporters of Tibet refuse to see it as a real place with real problems. To me it seems that–hand-in-hand with “modernization”–this “orientalization” has been one of the key strategies used by the communist regime to legitimate the Party’s “civilizing project” in Tibet. I have noticed that the efforts of Tibetan writers seem oriented towards “writing back” against these stereotypes. Do you see Tibetans as “prisoners of Shangri-la”?

Has the West really “Shangrilaized” Tibet? Yes, but mainly in the past. After several centuries of continuous in-depth research, as the Tibetan studies scholar Elliot Sperling once told me, the (Western scholarly community) has realized that it is problematic to picture Tibet as mysterious. Nowadays, they are paying attention to the real situation in Tibet, both historical and present, and their scope of interest has for quite some time expanded beyond religious studies. There is a lot of research and discussion, for example, about the Tibetan self-immolation resistance to the Communist regime.  

I want to make clear, this “Shangrilaization” of Tibet by the West is an artificial debate. Whose voices are mostly heard in this debate? Tibetan? No, in fact, the dominant voices are those of Tibetan studies scholars from China repeating and emphasizing their criticism of the Western “Shangri-la complex” or the “myth of Shangri-la” as a kind of mysterious “orientalism.” It has become part of the Chinese Tibetan studies mainstream.

There are two kinds of “orientalism” at work—one that plays with the “mysteriousness” of Tibet and another that demonizes it. In an essay called “Whose Orientalism?” I wrote: “Tibet is not the imagined pure land, but neither is it an imagined ‘land of filth.’ Tibet is the same as every other place on Earth. It is a place where people live. Only thanks to religious faith, it has a purple tinge (of the Buddhist monks’ robes). But still, there used to be two opposite approaches to Tibet, demonizing it and seeing it as sacred. They both had the same consequences: Tibet and Tibetans were not seen as real.”

Chinese intellectuals always passionately criticize the Western form of orientalism in regard to Tibet. When Said’s works were translated into Chinese, it provided a weapon for the Chinese scholars of Western orientalism, and the “Shangrilaization” of Tibet by the West was the first bullet they fired. Just as Elliot Sperling said, the Chinese criticism of the Western “Shangrilaization” has already become a myth used to legitimate their colonial rule. It is a colonial perspective whose aim is to make the West feel ashamed and stop paying attention to and supporting Tibet.

Why don’t the Chinese intellectuals criticize the Chinese form of “orientalism”? Why do they never criticize the Chinese tradition of demonizing Tibet, which is already customary in their own culture, society, and regime? They criticize the West, but overlook or excuse the behavior of their own country, because of opportunism, but also because this “big unity of the motherland” is deeply imprinted in them.

There is always a “specific political intention,” as Said called it, in whatever they do. I want everybody to see it clearly. In the Tibet debate, they pretend to play a neutral role. But in reality, they are the tools of the regime’s outbound propaganda. But their technique is more sophisticated than the usual loud and fervent Party propaganda. With their criticism of the Western “Shangrilaization” of Tibet, they in fact mask the real state, cover the authoritarian pressure, and silence the authentic voices of Tibet. At the same time, works that demonize Tibetan history and culture, like “Serfs,” the 1963 propaganda film produced by the Chinese army, are still screened today and continue to have a strong influence on the Chinese perception of Tibet. For the last ten years, the Tibetan TV news has included a two-minute propaganda piece “comparing the old and new Tibet,” presenting the past as the most miserable time and the present as the happiest one. It is a denunciation of the “evil old Tibet” and a celebration of the “happy new Tibet,” a continuous rewriting of history and whitewashing of the present.  

You should ask those Chinese scholars if they believe the Party’s characterization of the “old Tibet” as “reactionary, dark, cruel, barbaric.” Ask them if this is not a kind of Chinese “orientalism,” or orientalist demonization of Tibet. During the March 2008 revolt, these scholars criticized the West for taking the side of the Tibetans, but why did they not reflect at all about why so many people in Tibet were out in the streets, why so many people—even from the most remote grasslands—set their bodies on fire one after another, when they were all born after Tibet’s “liberation”?

How has your personal experience of “exile” (because you live in Beijing and not in Tibet) shaped your writing?  

For quite a long time I believed that “exile” meant going to another country without the possibility of return. There are tens of thousands of my fellow Tibetans in exile, scattered across many countries. Every time I hear His Holiness the Dalai Lama giving a speech to Tibetans in India or other countries mentioning “tsänjol” [ བཙན་བྱོལ btsan byol] (exile) and “tsänjolpa” (exiled [people]) it makes me sad. With the image of the aging Dalai Lama before our eyes, these words now sound even heavier.
 
Finally, I have fully understood that “exile” is the key word in my life. My people and I, both within Tibet and abroad, share the same fate. “Tsänjolpa” is our common identity. For me there is no possibility of getting a passport to travel abroad, and there are not many places where I have lived, basically just three cities: Lhasa, Chengdu, and Beijing.
 
When I was expelled from the system, I became an independent writer. But I could still frequently leave my fugitive home in Beijing and travel back to Lhasa or other parts of Tibet, so I was basically free. This ended in 2008. In March of that year, protests broke out in Lhasa and other Tibetan areas, drawing the attention of the whole world, but they were immediately suppressed by the government. That year I only spent seven days in Lhasa. It was dangerous for me to stay, so I left, or escaped, rather. After that everything was wrong. Every time I went to Lhasa I was followed and monitored. The last few years have been even more difficult, because I have continued recording the stories of self-immolated Tibetans. I was frequently “invited for tea”, visited by the police, pushed into cars and taken various places. These memories are really humiliating. I do not even want to talk about it anymore. But even more tragic is the fact that despite this humiliation I still want to go back to my beloved home.

Everybody should have the right to go back home, it is supposed to be one of the basic rights, isn’t it? It is a shame that those in exile cannot have this right. However, for me it does not matter so much anymore where I live. The circumstances of my physical body cannot leave me at a loss, because I know where my heart belongs. When the soul finds its place, the problems connected to “living in another place” have been solved. On the surface, my identity is multilayered: three-quarters Tibetan, one-quarter Han Chinese; my mother tongue is Tibetan, but I am not able to write it, only Chinese. But I do not worry about it anymore. The superficial identity does not say anything about a person, the self-identification is what really matters. As for me, I can identify with these four notions: Tibetan, Buddhist, writer, exile.

My exile is different from the situation of those living abroad. The Dharamshala-based poet Tenzin Tsundue, for example, is living in an external exile, while I am in a kind of internal exile. He lives in a host country where he can experience personal freedom, whereas I live in the occupied country and my personal freedom is very limited or even endangered.

Nevertheless, in my internal exile I can see the empty Potala Palace and cry silently as I watch its lonesome silhouette delving into the dark, when the theatrical lights go off deep at night. In my internal exile, on His Holiness’ birthday, I can go to the tourist-packed Norbulingka and offer a white khatag to the empty golden throne. And on that day, I can run into people in festive clothes, men and women, old and young, bringing fresh flowers to celebrate. In my internal exile, I can hear an old man around the same age as His Holiness saying: “We are still waiting . . . He will come back, there will be the day when he comes back to Lhasa, I believe that.”

Your writing continually alludes to things that “cannot be seen” and cannot even be talked about. What motivates your writing? Whom are you writing for?

At the beginning, after coming back to Lhasa and experiencing a kind of awakening, it was just as I wrote in Notes on Tibet: “I finally found the direction for my future writing – I want to become a witness, I want to see, explore, reveal, and let people know about those secrets, not individual, yet shocking and extremely moving secrets. Let me go on telling tales. Let me use the most common, but newly defined, purified, or even newly reinvented language, to tell the story of Tibet.”  

In 2008, I published another essay collection in Taiwan called Invisible Tibet. In May of the same year my (Chinese) blog was shut down and I was attacked by hackers. So I opened a new blog outside of the Chinese “great (fire)wall” and gave it the same name, “Invisible Tibet”. I still run it today.

Why this name? Because what is “visible” is what the authorities, the colonizers, allow and want us to see. I do not want to become their tool. There are so many “mysterious” stories of Tibet or stories that “demonize” Tibet, and readers willingly accept them, because these stories appeal to their taste. But they are not the stories I want to tell. Of course, sometimes I ponder how many people in this big world are willing to stop for a while and listen to my stories about the “invisible” sufferings of Tibetans, when many other nations endured or are still going through something similar. My intention is not to tell stories that make people feel uncomfortable or depressed. I hope that one day I will be able to talk about the extraordinary beauty of my high-plateau land of snows, shining under the free sun.    

Said once said in an interview: “I understood that my role was to tell and retell a story of loss where the notion of repatriation, of a return to a home, is basically impossible.” I often go through the photographs I made in Lhasa, twenty, ten, or just a couple years ago. I am always shocked by the enormous changes, the complete geographical change, which saddens me because it is a constant, never-ending, real time loss. Twenty years ago, for example, the Barkhor was still relatively close to the original Barkhor. But today’s Barkhor seems more and more artificial, fake, empty, rebuilt from the ground up, and it seems every day more distant from the life of the locals.

The poetry collection that I finished in 2018 in Lhasa is called Rebel Under the Burning Sun. Why this name? Because the secret police called me “ngologpa,” which in Tibetan means “rebel” (or traitor).

When I was sending this poetry collection to my publisher in Taiwan, I wrote: “The poems are like little memorials, I have used them to record the perishing Tibet, perishing Lhasa. Poetry has indeed always been a non-mainstream kind of literature, but I am not writing my poems for some niche of readers. I see these poems as the kind of monuments that, erected on the occupied land, can break people’s hearts with their beauty.”

I used to have certain ideas about who my readers could be. At one point I thought that my writing about the “invisible Tibet” and my social media activities could change the distorted perception of Tibet, but trying to resist the process of indoctrination put forth by those in power through my efforts alone proved to be very difficult. It is not just the Communist Party and not only the last one hundred years that this indoctrination has been going on. Confucianism was already doing it. In the Chinese world, some voices are never heard, because they are voices that go against the notion of unity. I gradually understood that I should write to preserve the past. History itself is the true “reader.” 

In your recent conversation with translator Ian Boyden for the August 2019 issue of Words Without Borders, you discussed the poem “Absent, or Not Absent”. I read the symbols of absence or emptiness in the poem as references to the aspects of Tibetan reality and history that are censored by the authorities. The people and events that are “absent” seem to be shouting with every step in Tibet, especially in Lhasa. Do Tibetans themselves hear them?

The word “empty” (空, pron. kong, that is translated as “absent” in the poem) can symbolize many things, from entire historical eras to something as small as a single tiny figure on a wall painting in a Buddhist shrine. It is a blank space that, just as you said, stands in for all the parts of reality and history that have been censored, wiped out, made absent. Filling these blank spaces is a kind of rejection, resistance, non-collaboration, an attempt at restoring eternal presence.

As a writer whose work centers on these “invisible” things, I myself have become an object that has been made “absent”. Like many Tibetans who have been swallowed by this unnatural “emptiness” imposed by our Others, I have my own means of resisting it. 

I wrote a poem on the occasion of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s eighty-third birthday. Perhaps it can answer your question about whether Tibetans “hear” the events and people made “absent”:
 
There are many ways of waiting,
One of them is to paint
Your face on the wall of a Buddhist shrine,
Who cares that the cadres will recognize You and report.
You may have a beard, so that you look like the Thirteenth,
Anyway, the Thirteenth is also You,
You are all of them, from the First to the Fourteenth,
You are all previous and following incarnations. 

There are many ways of waiting,
One of them is to preserve and guard every shrine that survived,
And fill the empty ruins
With mud and stones brought down from the mountains,
To rebuild the monks’ dorms and kitchens, same as they used to be,
Never to give up the faith that one day you will return to your homeland,
And all the lamas coming with you will inhabit the former Khamtsän

“We are still waiting, waiting, and waiting . . . 
Many people have meanwhile departed for their long journey to rebirth.
Our Gönpo originally had His own palace and monastery,
Had His people and land, everything here used to belong to Him,
The present as well as future lives of every person all belong to Him.”
An old man of Your age, holding my hand in the sweet-tea house
Told me this in a low voice, using honorific language, his eyes full of tears. 

“Kundun, see You in Lhasa!”
That winter, a young man from Lhasa
Travelled alone to Bodhgaya to take part in the Kalachakra initiation,
And as he slowly walked toward the old man in purple robes,
He cried out, his palms put together, hot tears running down his face. 

Another young man, from Amdo,
Before departing for his doctoral studies in the West,
Tattooed several Tibetan numbers on his arm,
The total number of years of His Holiness in this world.

Indeed, you can “hear it.” The people living in an empty place can rely only on their “faith”—it is a soundless sound, which allows you to hear the stories of people and events that were “made absent.” 



Click here to read Tsering Woeser's nonfiction, translated by Kamila Hladíková, in the same issue.

2025年3月18日星期二

西藏文革的画册《杀劫》中的几幅老照片


西藏文革的画册《杀劫》中的几幅老照片

文/唯色

“杀劫”是藏语“革命”的发音,汉语拼音为“Sha Jie”。传统藏语中从无这个词汇。半个多世纪前,当解放军来到西藏,为了在藏文中造出“革命”一词,将原意为“新”的藏文和原意为“更换”的藏文合而为一,从此有了“革命”。据说这是因新时代的降临而派生的无数新词中,在翻译上最为准确的一个。
 
藏语“革命”在汉语中可以找到很多同音字,我选择的是“杀劫”,以此表明二十世纪五○年代以来的革命给西藏带来的劫难。四十年前,又一场被称为“文化大革命”的革命席卷西藏,于是“杀劫”之前被加上了藏文的“文化”。藏文“文化”的发音,汉语拼音为Ren Lei,与汉语的“人类”发音相近,所以用汉语表达藏语中的“文化大革命”一词,就成了对西藏民族而言的 “人类杀劫”。

 

看上去,文化大革命即将到来之前的拉萨风平浪静。一幢幢类似兵营的房屋修筑在过去的大片草地、“林卡”(园林)和沼泽上,是新政府的办公场地和宿舍。据一九六五年的《西藏日报》报导:拉萨市建成了一个以人民路为中心的、拥有二十五个较大的建筑物的新市区。

二十世纪六○年代的拉萨正在失却古老而独特的风貌,举世闻名的布达拉宫是沧桑之变的见证。

穿军便服在当时是全中国红卫兵的时尚,西藏红卫兵也不例外。而且,西藏女孩子习惯保留的长辫子已剪成了齐耳的短发,这也是「革命化」的象征。

这些戴着红领巾、挥动红宝书——《毛主席语录》的孩子们,看上去都是小学生,却佩有红卫兵袖章,这表明红卫兵的成分已经扩大化了。当同学们都在高呼口号时,右边那个小男孩在埋头玩什么呢?



公元一四○九年,藏传佛教格鲁派宗师宗喀巴在对大昭寺大规模修整之后,以稀世之宝供养释迦牟尼十二岁等身佛像(藏人尊称“觉仁波切”。“觉”的意思是至尊,“仁波切”的意思是珍宝,也用以指代转世活佛),并献上纯金制作的五佛冠。同时,为纪念佛陀以神变之法大败六种外道的功德,宗喀巴遍召各寺院、各教派的僧众,于藏历正月期间在大昭寺举行祝福祈愿的大法会——“默朗钦莫”,前后持续十五天。

因来参加法会的僧俗众多,故将其法座移到大昭寺南侧的广场继续传法,从此历代达赖喇嘛和甘丹赤巴(甘丹寺法台)都在此处传授佛法而称之为“松却绕瓦”,意为“传法之地”。而法会也遂成惯例得以沿袭,五世达赖喇嘛以后延至二十一天。届时拉萨三大寺——哲蚌寺、色拉寺、甘丹寺以及其它寺院的数万僧人云集于大昭寺,举行修法、辩经、驱魔、酥油花灯会、迎请未来强巴佛等活动。在“松却绕瓦”的辩经场面甚为壮观,最优秀者可以获得格鲁派最高学位——“格西拉然巴”。这一年一度的盛大法会通常由达赖喇嘛亲自主持。

文革以前的“松却绕瓦”是拉萨除了寺院和布达拉宫之外唯一一块铺了石头的场地,专门用以法会上无数僧侣就座。但在文革期间,这里是揪斗“牛鬼蛇神”的批斗场,改名为“立新广场”。以后除了在此召开群众大会,还是露天电影院、文艺团体表演翻译成藏语的样板戏《红灯记》和现代革命舞剧《红色娘子军》的剧场。

一九八六年二月,被禁二十年的祈愿大法会重新恢复。但由于一九八九年在法会期间发生“骚乱”再度被取消,至今不再举行。“松却绕瓦”日渐被云集的商贩拥挤得只馀小片空地。这些商贩有的来自山南农村,带着自己编织的氆氇毛毯出售给当地人和游客;也有不少汉族和回族商贩在此摆摊,以卖工艺品为主。在“松却绕瓦”左边不远处,是八角街派出所所在地。

这是“破四旧”运动中第一次“革命行动”——砸大昭寺的部分红卫兵在“松却绕瓦”的合影。

曾经聚集数万绛红喇嘛的讲经场,如今面目全非。过去供奉达赖喇嘛和高僧大德之法座的高台上,此刻却被毛泽东画像和一面上书“宣战书”的大牌子取而代之。一幅“彻底砸烂旧世界!我们要做新世界的主人!”的标语被高高举起,比红墙金顶的大昭寺更为醒目。除了一群看热闹的小孩子和七八个头上系着头帕挤坐在一起的女人(她们是帕廓街上的居民),在林立的红旗和红缨枪之间,一个个东张西望、稚气十足的年轻人几乎都是拉萨中学的学生。



这是大昭寺的前院“金戈”(坛城之意),在拉萨红卫兵“破四旧”这一天,遍地堆积着残破不堪的佛像、法器、供具以及其它佛教象征物,据说很多都是从楼上的佛殿里、长廊上抬来再扔下去的。二楼露台上的十几个人都是红卫兵,其中还有几个扎辫子的女红卫兵,还有两人似是蹲伏着又似是个头儿矮小的小孩子,手里拿着什么东西似乎正欲往下扔。楼下很明显的有三个手持红缨枪的男红卫兵,角落深处还有四个穿军装或军便服的背影。

 
传统上,“金戈”是藏历正月期间在大昭寺内举行“默朗钦莫”的所在,彼时有数万僧人裹着绛红大氅围坐于此齐声颂祷的盛况。院内主要安排哲蚌寺的僧人就坐,其它寺院的僧人则环坐于转经回廊,甚至挤满了二楼呈凹字形的露台。达赖喇嘛则从三楼围着金黄纱幔、其上金顶闪耀的“甚穹”(尊贵者的寝室,又称「日光殿」)款款而下,端坐在庭院左边的金黄法座上,亲自主持这一年一度的盛大法会。
 
一九八九年三月在这里举办了最后一次祈愿大法会,由于发生所谓的“骚乱”,“默朗钦莫”终被禁止。据一位知情者在其传记中透露,引发“骚乱”的导火索是在法会即将结束的当天,西藏的某位藏族高官带着北京的几位汉族官员,擅自闯入达赖喇嘛在法会期间下榻的日光殿,掀开遮着窗户的黄绸幔东张西望时,被聚集于前院正在进行佛事的喇嘛们发现,认为是莫大的亵渎,激发起愤怒情绪。为制服僧众的不满,手持武器的武警闯入大昭寺内抓捕、殴打被视为“分裂分子”的无数喇嘛。一位因躲藏在仓库里免遭厄运的喇嘛回忆,第二天,当他走出藏身之处,已经空空荡荡的前院到处散落着藏式木碗和僧人的披单、鞋子,那都是匆匆逃跑的僧人们遗下的,更令他震惊的是,除了这些,地面上还有一层已经结了薄冰的血迹。
 
如今这个庭院在平日里显得洁净、安宁,而在宗教节日和藏历新年期间却格外拥挤,来自全藏各地的信徒排着长队去朝拜释迦牟尼等身佛像。供奉这尊释迦佛像的殿堂“觉康”是整座大昭寺的中心,是那些长途跋涉,甚至用身体丈量迢迢朝圣之路的藏地百姓最终的向往。也有拉萨附近的寺院或者由家庭邀请的僧侣在这里举办法会,但由于当局的限制,此类法会的规模越来越小。


这是大昭寺的正面,可以看见已经发生了很大变化。用牦牛毛编织的幡幢消失了,巨大的鎏金宝瓶和六角悬挂的铜铃消失了,由金色法轮和左右两侧的牝牡祥麟构成的“祥麟法轮”也消失了。而五星红旗还在飘扬着。二十多个手持红缨枪的红卫兵正在安放毛泽东的巨幅画像。

从上往下看,镶嵌在红墙上的心型图案,其实里面镶嵌的还有鎏金铜塑的“十相自在”(藏语“朗居旺丹”,是藏传佛教的象征之一,被认为积聚了神圣意义和力量,具有装饰和辟邪的功效),右边的已被掏空,左边的正在被挖出。

大门前的几根粗大的柱子上都贴着标语。


 
熊熊燃烧的烈火。大肆漫卷着、吞没着正在烧为灰烬的无数书页——在这之前都是存放在寺院里的佛教典籍。分不清楚谁是纵火者,谁是围观者,因为他们相互混杂,表情皆都兴奋莫名。而且,比较中国内地的同一类文革照片中出现的人群,无论装束还是相貌都十分相似。只有作为背景的藏式建筑提醒我们:这是西藏,这是拉萨,这是大昭寺的讲经场“松却饶瓦”。


如今也是摄影家的德木·旺久多吉清楚地记得父母第一次被游斗的时间,正是罗布林卡改名为“人民公园”的前一天——一九六六年八月二十七日。他的父亲,德木·洛桑绛白隆多单增加措,乃着名的十世德木仁波切。

德木仁波切属于西藏佛教活佛系统中相当重要的一支,拉萨有名的丹杰林寺的寺主,其六世、七世和九世均当过西藏的摄政王(代理达赖喇嘛管理政教的最高权威)。十世德木仁波切还是西藏历史上最早的、也是西藏迄今最优秀的摄影家。

照片上,六十五岁的德木仁波切头戴高帽,上面用藏文写着“彻底打倒反动农奴主单增加措”,挂在胸前的相机是他的“罪证”,用来暗示他是一个里通国外的反动分子。其实那架上海五八II型一三五相机属于儿子旺久多吉,虽然被德木夫人藏在装糌粑的口袋里,仍在居委会红卫兵抄家时给抄出来了,而德木仁波切自己的好几套高级相机早已被工作组没收,理由是相机乃特务的作案工具。其中一架蔡司A康,被一个姓阎的工作组组长私吞,再不归还。

四十七岁的德木夫人穿戴的是旧时拉萨贵族夫人的华丽装束,双手捧着盛有金银珠宝的托盘。德木·旺久多吉回忆说:“每次游街,他们都让我父亲穿上我们家的护法神——‘孜玛热’的法衣,让我母亲穿上贵妇的盛装。后来,我父亲对我说,‘当时抓我游街的时候,我很担心他们逼我穿袈裟,这样我会羞死的。还好,他们要我穿的是跳神时‘孜玛热’的法衣,这倒让人有一种演戏的感觉。而且在游街的时候,除了一个小男孩冲着我说老实坦白,围观者中没人打我、骂我,还不错’”。然而,德木夫人却在经历了抄家、游街批斗等公开羞辱以及被居委会长期单独关押之后精神崩溃,仅仅一年便从疯癫走向死亡。六年后,德木仁波切圆寂了,却不被允许为他举行西藏传统的与他身份相称的葬礼。

这是丹杰林居委会组织的游斗队伍。押解德木夫妇的两个积极分子争相挥舞着拳头,表达了他们对“牛鬼蛇神“的痛恨。左边那人名叫扎西,原是一个马车夫,文革期间当了居委会副主任。在抄德木家时,他以破“四旧”为名,不仅抢走了衣物和珠宝,还抢走了政府在“赎买”(在一九五九年之后的“民主改革”中,对未参加“叛乱”的贵族、庄园主和寺庙的财产实行赎买政策,发放赎买金支付券,凭券到银行领取赎买金)中发给德木仁波切的存折,后在旺久多吉的坚持索要下不得不归还,但已被他取走两百元,这在当时不是一笔小数。扎西后来是布达拉宫前门的看门人,二00三年二月,我原本打算采访他,却听说他已于前不久病故。

右边的那个穿着破衣烂裤的人名叫单增,是“牛鬼蛇神”小组的组长,据说他最能斗“牛鬼蛇神”,德木夫人就被他狠狠打过。他早已亡故。



这个头戴圆帽、身裹僧衣、手捧宝瓶的年轻女子就是西藏最着名的女活佛——桑顶·多吉帕姆·德钦曲珍,年仅二十六岁,刚生下第三个孩子才一个多月。就在不久前,鉴于一九五九年原本追随达赖喇嘛出逃印度的她很快又返回西藏,她被视为“弃暗投明”的“爱国主义者”,成为党的座上宾,受到毛泽东的接见,享有很高的政治地位和优厚的物资待遇。多吉帕姆是河坝林居委会的“牛鬼蛇神”,批斗她的“革命群众”都是河坝林居委会的居民,批斗现场在多吉帕姆的府邸,位于帕廓东街的清真大寺一带。

站在女活佛多吉帕姆身边的两个满面愁云、战战兢兢的老人是女活佛的父母。

多吉帕姆的父亲名叫仁增加布,是一户贵族家族的总管家,母亲是商贩出身。因为女儿的特殊身份,父母也随着一荣俱荣,一毁俱毁。据说她的父亲,因为在“平叛”期间给解放军带路,传递情报,充当内线,被认为是真正的“爱国人士”。可就是这位“爱国人士”,不但跟着女儿被揪斗,两个月后还被关进了监狱。


 
看见这幅照片,一位藏人说:“我又像是回到了那时候,我也常常坐在这中间。”
 
另一位藏人则感慨道:“你看,这些窗户是破破烂烂的,这孩子的衣服也是破破烂烂的,还拿着别人给他的发言稿,他知道是什么意思吗?这周围的人恍恍惚惚的,任人摆布似的,这整个就是西藏的文化大革命。”
 
那个正在激动地呼喊口号以至额头上青筋毕现的红小兵,有人说他的名字叫阿旺格列,长大后当了民兵队长,现在快五十了,天天转经朝佛。旁边那个穿着背上打补丁的衣服、正扭头看着男孩的男人,被认出是河坝林的一个修自行车的老汉。男孩身后的那个头上包着头巾的女人是个回族,如今常在帕廓街上摆摊买饼子。
 
注意看,邦达多吉也坐在人群中,正是男孩背后那个戴着遮阳圆帽子、露出上半身的男子,满面愁云,呆呆地注视着批斗现场,随时准备被点名,然后被揪出去斗争一番。一代豪杰竟也如此落魄!

《杀劫》:2006年2月,台湾大块文化公司出版
摄影:泽仁多吉(我的父亲)
文字:唯色

2021年8月26日星期四

唯色RFA博客:在冈仁波齐遇到的行脚僧,及圣山南面的藏人与流亡的精神领袖(十四)

Limi地区的年轻藏人。(图片来自instagram)

 在冈仁波齐遇到的行脚僧,及圣山南面的藏人与流亡的精神领袖(十四)

唯色


17、Limi人的身份认同



我们固然不能夸大“西藏之外的西藏”这一说法。就Limi地区而言,首先,面积不大,依傍河流和地势而分布的三个村庄共约1500人,靠近普兰的梯村与另一头的藏村的村民更善于经商,但正如人类学家梅·戈尔斯坦Melvyn Goldstein)所观察到的:“随着1959年的事变,旧的贸易类型遭到实质性的改变”[1],而新的商业贸易方式受到国与国之间跨境流动的影响,其实并不容易进行。出于改善生活质量的需求,有不少户人家迁移到加德满都甚至更远的纽约,也有不少户人家去往边界另一边的普兰经商或打工,位于中间地带的瓦尔兹村迁移出去的很少,家家户户仍延续着传统,一年四季的许多活动都以仁钦林寺为中心。


从Limi边界看见的圣山冈仁波齐。(图片来自instagram)

其次,Limi地区划归尼泊尔已半个世纪,历史上也与尼泊尔有较多的接触,不可能没有受到尼泊尔方方面面的影响。比如,我在Limi青年的社交媒体上,虽然看到更多的是当地人所展示的图伯特成分,但在欢度新年的聚会上,他们也会随着尼泊尔的音乐自如地跳起尼泊尔舞蹈。第三,毕竟这里是村庄,缺乏教育的提高,地理条件也比较单一,也因此只能作为“西藏”的某个很小的局部而存在,毕竟有着广泛意义的多卫康及更多藏地,是不可能被小而又小的Limi代表的。并且我也相信,Limi人自己从未有过“代表”或“象征”的想法,他们更多的是归从与归属,并带着亲密的感情。


据森给滇真仁波切介绍,Limi地区的方言与边界另一边的普兰地区的方言基本相同,两边的人相互沟通,毫无障碍。“比较而言,普兰地方因为过早开发的缘故,传统已经比较淡化;Limi地方可以说至今保持着标准的、以前的藏人的状态。”森给滇真仁波切的声音爽朗,藏语基本是卫藏方言,汉语带有台湾汉语腔调,应该是受到了他众多的台湾弟子的感染。


Limi地区的年轻藏人在跳传统舞蹈。(图片来自instagram)

我与几位Limi青年有过文字交流和语音聊天。他们都会英文和藏文,甚而至于他们说的藏语比境内不少地区如安多和康的藏人说的藏语更易懂,是标准的卫藏方言,还带敬语。这能看出他们所受的教育,据知在直贡绛衮澈赞法王的安排下,Limi不少孩童在尊者达赖喇嘛的妹妹,被尊称为“阿妈啦”的吉尊白玛(Jetsun Pema)负责的西藏儿童村就学。这几位Limi青年都是当地精英,来自有名的家族,他们都对身为藏人的身份认同毫不犹豫,完全接受,这也是当地人的一致认同。本地人自己的认同才是最重要的,包括民族认同、信仰认同、语言认同、饮食认同等等,而绝不能以他者的评判为准。尽管在当今,因为诡谲多变的时局的影响,对身份的认同或有可能趋于复杂化。


在我看来,Limi人的认同感更重要的是与信仰有关:这体现在他们所信奉的直贡噶举教派及诸多仁波切,如直贡绛衮澈赞法王、努巴仁波切、森给滇真仁波切;也与他们本土的喇嘛有关,如与我在冈仁波齐有一面之缘的达琼喇嘛,如当地仍遵守家庭若有三子或二子即送一子出家的传统,可谓家家户户都有为僧之人。存在于此地无数世代的古老寺院和静修洞穴等,更是具有强大的凝聚力,布满日常生活中的具体细节。所有这些都编织成一条非常结实的纽带,把当地人民与西藏/图伯特的精神紧紧地系在一起,哪怕他们走到再远的地方,就像澈赞法王讲述的,有个Limi人过去为僧后来还俗经商,如今在纽约生活,拥有优渥的生活,却觉得精神上远不如过去富足,因而更紧密地依恋家乡。


在古老的仁钦林寺,直贡绛衮澈赞法王主持法会。(Limi藏人提供)

还有一个非常重要的因素我必须一再重复:无论圣山以北,还是圣山以南,无与伦比的冈仁波齐矗立在那里,以一种突出的、美丽的也是最重要的地理标记,即以本尊胜乐金刚的身刹土成为藏传佛教徒的精神故乡,以魂山的本质成为雍仲苯教信仰者的精神故乡,这种触及灵魂和轮回来世的地理景观而形成的神圣景观,在漫长岁月中实际上是边界两边众生的共同身份。住在纽约的Limi青年仁钦啦发给我的一首流传当地的古老宣歌[2]正是这一表达:


只要还有一口气,就要朝拜诸圣地; 

只要还有一口气,就要朝拜冈仁波齐。 


只要还有一口气,就要朝拜诸圣地; 

只要还有一口气,就要朝拜玛旁雍措。 


只要还有一口气,就要朝拜诸圣地; 

只要还有一口气,就要朝拜科迦银身三怙主。


有意思的是,我从Instagram看到一个小视频,是几个Limi藏人在普兰县某座新房上画画,他们一边画着藏式图案一边哼着西藏民歌,这个场景就像拉萨或其他藏地所常见的,这时传来一个过路者的汉语,四川话,很大声,房子上也出现了中文,于是某种违和感陡然强烈。


注释:

[1]利米半农半牧的藏族语群对喜马拉雅山区的适应策略,作者梅·戈尔斯坦,译者坚赞才旦中国西藏网

http://www.tibet.cn/cn/cloud/xszqkk/xzyj/2002/3/201712/t20171221_5281161.html


[2]这首宣歌原文:

༡༽མ་ཤི་མ་ཆད་ན་། གནས་ཆེན་བཟང་པོ་ལོས་ཀྱི་མཇལ།

མ་ཤི་མ་ཆད་ན། གངས་དཀར་ཏི་སེ་ལོས་ཀྱི་མཇལ།

༢༽  མ་ཤི་མ་ཆད་ན། གནས་ཆེན་བཟང་པོ་ལོས་ཀྱི་མཇལ།

མ་ཤི་མ་ཆད་ན། གཡུ་མཚོ་མ་ཕམ་ལོས་ཀྱི་མཇལ་། 

༣༽

མ་ཤི་མ་ཆད་ན། གནས་ཆེན་བཟང་པོ་ལོས་ཀྱི་མཇལ།

མ་ཤི་མ་ཆད་ན།དངུལ་སྐུ་མཆེད་གསུམ་ལོས་ཀྱིས་མཇལ།


(原文发表于RFA唯色博客:https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weiseblog/ws-08182021104501.html)

唯色RFA博客:在冈仁波齐遇到的行脚僧,及圣山南面的藏人与流亡的精神领袖(十三)

Limi山谷的村庄。(图片来自instagram)

在冈仁波齐遇到的行脚僧,及圣山南面的藏人与流亡的精神领袖(十三)

唯色



16、Limi山谷是“西藏之外的西藏”吗?


出于想更多地了解包括Limi在内的喜马拉雅地区,我网购了这套丛书:《环喜马拉雅区域研究编译文集(一)——环境、生计与文化》、《环喜马拉雅区域研究编译文集(二)——佐米亚、边疆与跨界》[1]。主编郁丹,云南民族大学环喜马拉雅研究中心主任(其实多年前我们认识,那时他在中央民族大学工作,但渐渐脱离联系也已多年,毕竟我是不便接触的“敏感人士”),在序言的第一句即介绍丛书是“由中国国家社会科学基金项目‘一带一路战略背景下环喜马拉雅生态与文化多样性研究’”支持,想必意在响应中国政府对被命名为“环喜马拉雅区域”的国家和地区的深谋远虑。当然两本书精选的文章都是学术力作,包括多所国际知名大学学者的相关研究。


Limi妇女传统服饰。(Limi藏人提供)

  其中有篇文章[2]批评了美国人类学家斯坦·芒福德(Stan Mumford)在他关于20世纪八十年代后期对佛教和萨满教的研究中强调的:“一部关于西藏村落中藏传佛教的完整民族志,只有在西藏边境下方喜马拉雅边缘的尼泊尔才可能完成,但在西藏之内是不可能的。”认为像斯坦·芒福德这样的“在尼泊尔和印度做研究的民族志学者,试图将他们的主要研究对象定位在藏传佛教的文化世界中”,“把‘尼泊尔’降级并归属于‘喜马拉雅边缘’,而不是一个在政治上一直延续的民族国家,这表明了去除国家边界的期望。”



在仁钦林寺,信众向法王供奉宣舞。(Limi藏人提供)


 我没有读过斯坦·芒福德的著作《喜马拉雅对话》,但因受到这段批评的启发,继而对正在写作的这篇文章关涉的诸多话题有了更为慎重的思考和尽力深入的了解,认识到在论及圣山冈仁波齐南边的Limi地区,斯坦·芒福德的观点应该是对的。最有力的理由是:在近代历史的激烈进程中,此地不同于西藏,并未遭到毁灭性质的改变,而是仍如从前,保留了并延续着属于西藏文化的传统,这应该与边界的划分、所属有关。当然在尼泊尔境内的藏文化地区不止Limi,更有木斯塘等地。需要声明的是,我并非人类学者,既没有过对Limi等地区脚踏实地的田野调查,也没有过从方方面面去研究Limi等地区与西藏的关系,我仅仅是出于对冈仁波齐的奉信和热爱,并对由冈仁波齐引发的、延伸的故事有兴趣而已,主要是人与命运的故事,而且我记录的故事也仅是浩如烟海的故事中极少的一些,所以在表达相关看法时若有差池或不妥,还请海涵,权当个人之见。


我关注了几个Limi人的Instagram和Facebook,诸多图片、视频及说明如同打开的窗户,让我得以窥见深掩于喜马拉雅山麓里的Limi地区,确实在诸多方面表现出“西藏之外的西藏”,无论日常生活的衣与食,精神生活的信仰与仪式,以及语言与文字,神话与仪式,歌舞与配饰,婚俗与葬俗,建筑与装饰,农牧与贸易等等。许多场景我都很熟悉:冬季大雪封山封路,一片白茫茫,新年洛萨来临了,达玛鼓敲响了,而这正是被称为“西藏宫廷乐舞”的嘎尔的重要乐器,自五世达赖喇嘛起,来自上阿里三围的嘎尔乐舞及乐器,出现在供奉着狮子宝座的颇章布达拉,向尊贵的依祜主奉献妙乐,被喻为如云供品,为此成立乐舞队,专门为政教法王及政府服务,从此具有了高级的礼供意义。随着达玛鼓的鼓声,众Limi男子穿藏袍,戴哈达,庄重地起舞。接着是踢踏舞,剑舞,舞蹈和旋律中有对传统的尊重和继承。而在古朴的寺院庭院,可以见到村民男子扮成出征武士的舞蹈,仪容装束和举止姿态亦仿如吐蕃时代的回光返照;可以见到僧侣的金刚法舞“羌姆”,所佩戴的面具更拙朴,所持举的法器有剑、骷髅碗等,所展示的舞姿比如今的更有古旧感


在培给林寺,信众表演传统仪式。(Limi藏人提供)



还有放牧时的牦牛毛编织的黑帐篷和妇女做酥油的场景。还有用糌粑做的日常食物和法会祭品,这个细节很重要,对于藏人来说,由青稞炒熟磨制而成的糌粑,在藏人的文化中象征民族属性,意味着民族认同,如果问你“吃不吃糌粑”,如同问你是不是藏人,堪称作为自我的糌粑。另外,糌粑除了是藏人的主食,还具有宗教的功能,我在一首诗中写过:“当糌粑用作食子/糌粑就是人与神共享的食物/当然这些神灵是本土的/属于自己而非他者/或者叫做措,或者叫做朵玛[3]。”                                                                        

昆仲衮寺的古老面具。(图片来自网络)

  分布在Limi山谷的三个村庄,各自拥有一座历史悠久的寺院:除了位于瓦尔兹村的仁钦林寺,还有位于梯村的昆仲衮寺,位于藏村的培给林寺。三座寺院都是直贡噶举传承,寺主皆为正当盛年的森给滇真仁波切,他因此也被称为“Limi祖古”,同时他还是尼泊尔的多波等藏人地区寺院的寺主。他于1981年出生在边界这边的普兰县,如同在今中国行政区划里的藏地适龄儿童要有的学校教育,他也上了小学因而有了通晓中文的基础,毕业后考上设在汉地的“西藏中学”却未去,而是遵循与生俱来的更重要的使命,翻越雪山,抵达印度,得到直贡绛衮澈赞法王的认证,原来是八百多年前吉天颂恭尊者的大弟子森格益西的转世,恰与Limi等地有深厚法缘,并在仁钦林寺圆寂。

森给滇真仁波切在2008年去Limi地区。(Limi藏人提供)



  我在YouTube上观看了森给滇真仁波切在2008年去Limi的视频,看到我熟悉的行脚僧-达琼喇嘛满面喜悦地为他牵马,看到身着传统服饰的妇人代表当地人民庄重地向他献供,看到供奉着古老佛像(其中有一个悬挂在柱子上的金色面具让我觉得有古象雄的风格)的古老佛殿对他敞开,实在令人感动。当我听到森给滇真仁波切谈及他最新的计划,是在仁钦林寺右边的山上盖15间闭关房,盖好之后他会去闭关一至两年,我仿佛看到古老传承的河流是如何地注入了新的生机,依靠永不枯竭的精神之水的滋养而存活的当地众生,又使得这一可以称之为“西藏之外的西藏”的生态长久存在,也即是说,精神领袖与信奉者之间是灵与魂、血与肉的生命关系,如果忽略或者无视这一关系,不是过于轻率就是另有用心。


仁钦林寺的古老佛像。(Limi藏人提供)

又比如位于瓦尔兹村的千年古寺仁钦林寺,我们仅仅目睹图片和影像,就可以获得一个真切的认识:即经典上记载的、传说中颂扬的不曾中断的金鬘传承,被这座寺院展现并唤起对久远时代的记忆。我似乎看见了放弃王座出家的赞普后裔益西沃用等身重的黄金舍命邀请弘法上师,似乎看见了拉喇嘛绛曲沃恭迎伟大的阿底峡从印度带来了“修持佛法的四种共同基础”,即比黄金更宝贵的“四共加行”。尤其是,出生于古格王宫下的小村庄的大译师仁钦桑波,他在Limi这片高山深谷里获得了永世的存在:不只是精神意义上的存在,那尊用他的骨灰与当地泥土所塑的造像提供了类似骨血传承的隐喻,更具有不可否认的说服力。


设想一下,假如Limi地区在1961年签订中尼边界协议时划给了西藏这边,那么一场场革命的风暴势必难挡,难躲浩劫的仁钦林寺、昆仲衮寺、培给林寺或可能荡然无存,或可能徒剩空壳。就像我前不久读过的一本书,《拉萨市古地名名录》[4],汇集了拉萨一带的寺院、塔、碑、老房子等上百处,但读了很伤心,因为这些古迹大都在1950年代之后,主要是在文化大革命中被摧毁或被损坏,以致于编撰者都不好意思过多提到文革,不然通篇满是毁于文革那显然太刺眼,于是换个说法,如“目前已修复”、“八十年代恢复维修”之类,却不提为何要“修复”、“维修”的原因。


注释:

[1] 这套丛书由学苑出版社2017年8月出版。

[2] 这篇文章在丛书(二),即《喜马拉雅中心区在“佐治亚”吗?》,作者是Sara Shneiderman。

[3] “措”(ཚོགས་与“朵玛”(གཏོར་མ།皆为用酥油和糌粑做的供品。

[4] 《拉萨市古地名名录》,拉萨市民政局编,西藏人民出版社,2018年。


2021年7月31日星期六

唯色RFA博客:在冈仁波齐遇到的行脚僧,及圣山南面的藏人与流亡的精神领袖(十二)

2008年2月间,Tenzin Sonam和Ritu Sarin在采访我。(王力雄拍摄)
 

在冈仁波齐遇到的行脚僧,及圣山南面的藏人与流亡的精神领袖(十二)

唯色


15、想起木斯塘王国及尼泊尔比兰德拉国王的一些往事(下)


同时,由拉姆次仁(应为宗喀·拉莫才让,Tsongkha Lhamo Tsering)这个名字,我联想到他的儿子丹增索朗(Tenzin Sonam),住在达兰萨拉的电影人,于2008年2月与身为印度人也是电影人的妻子Ritu Sarin及摄制组,非常不容易地来到北京,为正在拍摄的纪录片《乌云背后的太阳》(The Sun Behind The Clouds: Tibet's Struggle For Freedom)采访了我和王力雄,还拍摄了为8月在北京举办的奥运会修建的鸟巢体育馆,当时还在施工。一见面,丹增索朗就送给我几本厚厚的书,介绍说是他的父亲在流亡岁月中著述的回忆录,那是一套用藏文著述的丛书多达12卷,是对西藏当代历史至关重要的记录。宗喀·拉莫次仁是安多宗喀地区的藏人,“四水六岗卫教志愿军”非常重要的领袖之一,少年时代去南京学习,中文非常好,藏文则是在流亡之后并在尼泊尔的监狱中进一步学习的,当然他再也没能返回故乡。丹增索朗的另一部纪录片是关于他和妻子曾去过父亲的老家,见到父亲的兄弟,彼此之间几乎语言难通,但他们带他到山上的一排家族坟地,流泪指着一个空处说,这原本是留给他流亡在外的父亲的墓地,但这已是汉化的葬俗……


念及丹增索朗与我各自的人生,此刻我意识到:我们的父辈既是同族人,却又是敌对的军人;而我和他成了友人,并且都是流亡者(是的,我认为当我因写作而被开除出中国的体制时,我即从此成为流亡者,内部流亡者),他有故乡归不得,但他所在的流亡族人的圣地我却去不成,尤其是在2008年3月发生于全藏地的抗议之后,更是没有来往的可能性,两代藏人的命运正是西藏近代史的部分缩写。


1976年6月5日,任荣在拉萨机场迎接尼泊尔比兰德拉国王。(图片转自网络)

在网上搜寻相关讯息时,我看到一张以前没见过的照片,是1976年6月5日比兰德拉国王抵达拉萨,受到时任西藏党政军第一把手的任荣满面笑容的热情迎接。实际上比兰德拉国王的每次到来都是非常重要的国事访问,当然最有名的是1973年12月9日携王后与毛泽东会见的趣闻。据毛泽东的英文翻译章含之回忆【1】,当毛见到漂亮的王后,握手时拉着她的手久久不放,王后的手被毛拉了那么长的时间,“在场的人包括国王都不敢笑,也不敢提醒毛,只是年轻的王后十分尴尬。事后,我们猜想是在国王访问之前,有人向主席谈及王后年轻、端庄、美丽,主席很想亲眼一见。”比兰德拉国王来拉萨之前在成都停留数日,离开时作为毛泽东接班人的总理华国锋专门到机场欢送,其中还有时任四川省革命委员会主任的赵紫阳。


1973年12月9日,毛泽东会见尼泊尔比兰德拉国王、王后。(图片来自网络)

比兰德拉国王在拉萨的每天活动都是报纸头版。据新华社报道【2】,当时还特意安排尼泊尔贵宾“观看了拉萨市民兵的军事表演。……参加表演的藏族、汉族、回族和布依族(还有布依族?)男女民兵,为贵宾们表演了高炮对空中活动目标射击、步兵打空降、步兵排射击以及步兵班和单兵对抗射击等军事项目。……表演结束后,参加表演的男女民兵列队高呼‘中尼两国人民友谊万岁!’”在如此声势浩大的阵仗前,不知道比兰德拉国王有没有受到震慑。其他活动还有:“尼泊尔贵宾游览了布达拉宫”;“参观了西藏革命展览馆”,目睹了“把封建农奴社会的旧西藏变为社会主义新西藏的光辉历程”;“游览了哲蚌寺、罗布林卡”;“参观了具有一千三百多年历史的古代建筑大昭寺”(其实大昭寺正是吐蕃君王松赞干布为从尼泊尔迎娶的王妃赤尊公主所建)等等。在文艺晚会上,“曾到尼泊尔访问并受到过已故国王马亨德拉陛下亲切接见的著名藏族女歌手才旦卓玛和独唱演员常留柱,怀着激动和喜悦的心情,用尼泊尔语分别演唱了《中尼人民情谊长》、《中尼友好歌》。”


当尼泊尔贵宾于6月9日离开拉萨,“拉萨各族人民身穿节日盛装,聚集在街道两旁。……青少年们吹响竹笛,打起腰鼓(据说是陕北腰鼓),欢跳民间舞,高唱友谊歌。人们挥动彩带,不断高呼口号,热烈祝贺比兰德拉国王访问我国四川、西藏地区取得圆满成功,衷心祝愿中、尼两国人民的友谊万古长青。”如今寄寓台湾的流亡藏人索朗多吉对此回忆道:“那时,我二哥在拉萨中学念书,他们也要排队迎接,用尼泊尔语言来欢呼。我虽然还小,却记住了这段欢迎词,至今没忘,可能发音不一定准,但至今这段欢迎词还印在脑海里:‘苏嗨达,苏嗨达,嗨迪嗨,嗨迪嗨,玛哈哒啦比兰德拉!’”另一位藏人也回忆说:“记得居民们在大昭寺前的街道两边迎接时,我也跑去看热闹,也看到了尼泊尔国王。”显然这个访问在当时的拉萨是多么地轰动,而如此隆重款待当然是对比兰德拉国王所做的贡献给予的回报。

 

对了,杨公素的书中【3】也提到木斯塘,是以“中尼配合扫清尼境内康藏叛匪”为题写的,摘录其中重要几句;“中尼两国于1964年协商,如何配合剿灭这股匪徒。尼方乃不断地向中方提供该股匪徒活动情况,向居住在尼境内其他藏族‘难民’散发中国政府印刷的大量招降传单。这些传单起了一定的分化作用,将死心顽固的叛乱分子孤立起来。尼政府并限制叛匪活动,阻止运送粮食弹药,同意中国军队在一定条件及地区进入尼国境向叛匪发动攻击,尼泊尔军队也采取一些军事行动加以配合。这样,在中尼双方配合下,于1964年6月终于把盘踞穆斯塘的康、藏叛匪全部肃清。”不过他写的这个时间有误,并不是1964年,而是1974年,他的记忆出错了。


木斯塘末代国王与民众。(图片来自网络)

然而如今的木斯塘连自治王国都不是了,原本14世纪建国,18世纪被尼泊尔兼并,2008年被废除,成了尼泊尔的一个县,人口仅1万5千人。八年后,即2016年,被废黜的木斯塘国王在加德满都去世,象征着曾经拥有比较完整的自我的一页成了过去。也就任由他人猎奇、纷扰,据说每年约有4千名游客来访,一个并不大的旧王国却有超过两百家的酒店,早在新冠病毒流行之前就上了无处不去的中国游客的攻略名单,并以“中尼边境上最后的秘境国家”作为旅游广告词。而最新的广告词就像是不甘落后的号召:“中国边境的失落王国,去过的中国公民不足百人”。这意思是,中国游客要像填满拉萨和全藏许多地方那样,填满木斯塘吗?


注释:

【1】《跨过厚厚的大红门》,章含之著,文汇出版社,2002年。

【2】人民日报电子版:比兰德拉国王在拉萨观看军事表演和文艺演出 阿沛·阿旺晋美等陪同观看表演和演出 帕巴拉·格列朗杰等陪同观看演出(1976年)

https://new.zlck.com/rmrb/news/AOAAL2XW.html

【3】《中国西藏地方的涉外问题》,杨公素著,中共西藏自治区委员会党史资料征审委员会,1985年。


(原文发表于RFA唯色博客:

https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weiseblog/ws-06212021114120.html