拉萨河畔的“莲花”，及艺术家Ian Boyden的英译

几天前，与友人聊起拉萨河畔的这朵“大莲花”，然后写了这首诗。诗中的一些诗句来自聊天，感谢艺术家Ian Boyden的英译。

拉萨河畔的“莲花”

唯色

我的八瓣莲花围绕的圣地

被人插进了一朵大莲花

顿时就花非花了

有人说这是高仿

做得乱真才叫高仿

而它只有乱，并没有真

你可以理解为某种高潮

我们最幸福的那种高潮

你也可以把它视为某种对境

某种能让物质主义者净化的对象

每天去看一眼

每天也就很幸福了

（写于2016年7月7日，北京）

The “Lotus Flower” On the Bank of the Lhasa River

In my holy land, 

that mountains ring like an eight－petaled lotus,

someone has plugged in a giant lotus flower

suddenly there blooms a flower that is not a flower

some say it’s a great imitation

yet made in such disarray, 

can it genuinely be called a great imitation

in fact, it is only disarray, it really has nothing genuine

you can understand it as some form of climax

our most blessed form of climax

you can also see it as some form of oppositional realm,

some form of object that allows materialists to purify themselves

so, each day, go take a look

then, each day, you’ll be very, very blessed

—Tsering Woeser

(translated by Ian Boyden)

译者Ian Boyden的推特截图，他住在华盛顿州西北部的圣胡安群岛。看见拉萨河畔的“大莲花”，他说：“不只是拉萨，全世界人都在造这样粗俗的东西。创造性、美感，都变成了腐败的玩笑。我估计他们打开这‘大莲花’的那一天，他们会让一群女孩穿着传统藏服，唱‘爱国’歌曲，目中无人的官僚跑来跑去。。。 ”

英译《一个讲述“现代藏人”的幸福故事如假包换》

'Aren't They The Lucky Ones?'

2015-05-15

Newly-wed Tibetan couple visits the Potala Palace in an undated photo.

AFP

Writer Tsering Woeser has used her blog "Invisible Tibet," together with her poetry, historical research, and social media platforms like Twitter, to give voice to millions of ethnic Tibetans who are prevented from expressing themselves to the outside world by government curbs on information. In a recent commentary, she says Tibetans shouldn't play into mainstream fantasies about their own heritage:

Recently, a young Tibetan couple's wedding photos were labeled with all kinds of epithets, such as "dazzling the nation," "beyond dogma," "moving into secularism," and other eye-catching headlines, going viral on the Chinese Internet.

Then, even the Chinese official news agency Xinhua reported the wedding, calling it an example of a  modern Tibetan wedding of the post-1980 generation, with the groom on one knee, holding a ring to propose, while the bride cried with happiness. "So with the zeitgeist," [Xinhua proclaimed.]

This young Tibetan couple hail from Kardze [in Chinese, Ganzi] Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (the husband, Gerong Phuntsok) and from Barkham [Ma'erkang] county in Ngaba [Aba] Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan province (the wife, Dawa Drolma).

They are Tibetans who come from largely agricultural regions, with the highest level of penetration of Han Chinese culture.

From these reports, we learn that Gerong Phuntsok graduated from Beijing's Central Nationalities University and runs an advertising agency in Chengdu, while Dawa Drolma studied music at the Ngaba Teachers' College and now runs an online jewelry business.

Their wedding album can be sorted into two different types of photos: images showing them as "modern Tibetans" wearing suits, skirts, and shades, and a wide-brimmed hat, drinking coffee and wine, running, listening to rock music, driving a sports car or flying in a helicopter, just like the children of so many Hollywood stars, cutting a dash in Chinese and foreign cities on holiday, looking no different from the models in today's Chinese fashion magazines.

They are fit for display in the window of a wedding photography shop.

Worthy of comment

In the other group are the "traditional Tibetan" photos, in which they appear in so-called national dress, wearing prayer beads, hands clasped and heads bowed as if in prolonged devotion. These are taken atop the Potala Palace, or in Jokhang temple, or spinning wool outside a yurt with a yak on the grasslands. But they still look like models, and they seem to be performing.

These, too, are fit for display in a bridal boutique window.

If such a wedding album is just made so people can have photos of themselves to hang on the wall on share among a small circle of friends, there is nothing wrong with it. If it is used for commercial publicity, it is a different matter, and if it is used for political propaganda, then it is worthy of comment.

But these young Tibetans' wedding album has gone viral, and not just in China. Even the BBC and the New Yorker picked up on it.

It seems the photos are being read as a demonstration of the modernization of the lives of young Tibetans who are different from their forebears, who possess a dazzling modern style to rival their peers, but who also harbor feelings of nostalgia and a sense of tradition.

This makes me want to laugh. The fact is that this young Tibetan couple has no real experience of pilgrimage or herding and the fact that, for all their traditional appearances in the photos, they are still the petty bourgeoisie of today's China.

Fantasy Tibetans

Such fantasy Tibetans are to be found in the minds of Chinese Tibet enthusiasts, and can often be found wearing Tibetan clothing against the backdrop of the Potala Palace and Barkhor bazaar and various temples, providing wedding photos for Han Chinese tourists ... who pose in traditional Tibetan stage costumes or bridal gowns for commercial photographers.

Gerong Phuntsok and Dawa Drolma are doing no more than imitating them.

It goes like this: Chinese Tibet enthusiasts and supermodels dress up as Tibetans, then young Tibetans imitate the Chinese and the supermodels imitating them. There is only one word for this: pseudery.

Dressing up in traditional, ethnic minority clothes against the backdrop of the Potala Palace, temples and prayer wheels, or pastoral nomadic scenes may seem like you're coming home to something, but it's all an act; the appearance of coming home. It's so staged.

Tibetans can see right through this sort of act, but non-Tibetans will be dazzled by it. It caters to a lot of things; to Chinese people's idea of modernization, to their misunderstanding of Tibetans.

Self-negation

For young Tibetans to dress up in these costumes, far from being an expression of their Tibetan identity, is in my view a form of self-negation.

This negation turns them into passive objects in an increasingly mainstream and "civilized" world which has secularism as its focus. There is no true expression to be found here, nor any true self-acceptance or identity.

Still less is there any sense of an authentic self or a modern Tibetan identity. It's grotesque, like a painting of a tiger based on a photo of a cat.

Such images are of "otherized" Tibetans: a pale reflection of oneself in the eyes of others. They have little new to offer, other than being the empty productions of the current culture among young Chinese people and among young Tibetans who imitate Han culture and its imitation of what looks like Western culture, but is actually Chinese.

Not really free

The big irony lies here: Can this young Tibetan couple get into the Potala Palace to pray? As Tibetans whose hometowns lie outside of the Tibet Autonomous Region, can they go to Lhasa without having to hand in their ID cards to the police? Can they stay in guesthouses not approved by police?

Do they have the freedom to travel freely? Do they have the freedom to have their own ideas and to determine how they will live their lives?

Can these young Tibetans leave the country to go on holiday whenever they want? Clearly they have passports, something that 99 percent of Tibetans can't get.

Aren't they the lucky ones?

They should know that the deputy chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region's writers' association recently tweeted: "Why can't we Tibetans go on overseas trips? Why have our passports been confiscated by the authorities for the past three years? Why don't they give them back to us? Everyone else in China gets to go overseas on holiday, why not Tibetans?

Perhaps this couple were able to get passports because their hometowns are outside the Tibetan region, but I happen to know that it's very hard for Tibetans to get passports, even if they live in Chengdu [the Sichuan provincial capital].

A happy life?

All this is intentionally or unintentionally ignored by the official Chinese media, and the two have already been portrayed as the Tibetan representatives of modernization, living the happy life of their choice and enjoying various rights that enable them to realize their dreams.

No wonder so many Chinese people online are envious.

But there is a coincidence here, and it's a sad one, noted by The New Yorker. On the day that this wedding album went viral, a 47-year-old Tibetan nun set fire to herself on the streets of Kardze town in the Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, burning to death on the spot.

She became the 142nd Tibetan and the 23rd Tibetan woman to succeed in self-immolating as a form of protest at the Chinese government.

There have been so many self-immolations, of old and young, monks, nomads, and farmers.

And at least half of them come from the same hometowns as this happy young Tibetan couple in the photo album.

Quite a few of them are young, too, about the same age as the couple in the photographs.

Maybe some of those photos of them on the grasslands, on horseback, or in front of pastoral tents in some Xanadu idyll were taken near the homes of some of those people who self-immolated.

Transplanted story

To use the language that is current in China, self-immolation is a dark, negative force, evil, and related to Tibetan independence, and must be snuffed out.

The positive energy lies with this young bride and groom, who must be crowned with the halo of "modernization," feted, and brought into the light.

In a political environment where there is no true personal freedom and no true psychological freedom, the label "modern" rings fake and empty.

Secularism isn't the same as modernism, and it's not a panacea for the Tibet issue, nor a defense against it.

This has been a story about authenticity and parody. The real thing would suffice, not some image of success created to boost sales.

The young Tibetan couple may have written "A story about the two of us" on their album, but in fact all they have done is transplanted someone else's story into their own lives.

But they did actually get married, and for that, I wish them the greatest happiness.

Translated by Luisetta Mudie.

【转自：http://www.rfa.org/english/women/lucky-05152015103956.html】

延伸阅读：
唯色RFA博客：一个讲述“现代藏人”的幸福故事如假包换http://woeser.middle-way.net/2015/05/rfa.html

嘉央诺布：还“自由亚洲电台”以自由！

唯色：藏人独立作家、独立知识分子嘉央诺布（Jamyang Norbu）先生，就自由亚洲电台藏语部主任阿沛·晋美（Ngabo Jigme）先生突然被解职事件，撰文进行深度分析。独立译者更桑东智将全文译成中文，并同意在我的博客上首发。

FREE RADIO FREE ASIA !

还“自由亚洲电台”以自由！

作者：嘉央诺布（Jamyang Norbu）

翻译：更桑东智（@johnlee1021）

时间：2012年11月27日

原文：嘉央诺布博客

在我博客的上一篇文章中，我提到了共产党中国如何通过炫耀它的“经济肌肉”在美国散布政治宣传，主要是以付费的方式将《中国日报》的页面嵌入在美国素有“资料库报纸”之称的《纽约时报》。一位读者给我发来电子邮件说，同样的事情也发生在《华盛顿邮报》。于是，我把收藏的《总统班底》（ All The President’s Men ）特别版DVD扔进了废纸篓。

而且，中国的宣传推进现在甚至伸进了好莱坞。《洛杉矶时报》针对这一问题发表了几篇文章，其中包括：《中国是否对好莱坞电影施加了不正当影响？》和《中国压力钳制好莱坞》。这两篇文章探讨了最近的几部电影：《到也门钓鲑鱼》（Salmon Fishing in the Yemen）、《战舰》（Battleship）、《钢铁侠3》（Iron Man 3）、《赤色黎明》（Red Dawn）、《黑衣人3》（Men in Black 3）以及灾难片《2012》。中国利用其经济影响力对这些好莱坞影片实施了预审，以保证“……一代西方电影观众从他们的电影中获得对中国积极的和经过消毒的观感。”

关于好莱坞制片人和制片厂高管们屈从于中国的压力而对电影所做的改动，南加州大学教授，该校东亚研究中心主任骆思典（Stanley Rosen）对《洛杉矶时报》说：“我不认为普通的美国电影观众非常了解所有这些小决定，但是在不知不觉中，这些改动已经产生效果。” 北京正是利用骆思典所说的这种“不知不觉”拓展它的“软实力”（soft power）——西方的亲中媒体喜欢用这个词描述中国的所作所为。北京在用一些更为令人不安的方式进行思想控制、洗脑或者更准确地说“经济洗脑”——对此，我们应该还记得巴普洛夫成为“条件刺激”的基本理论。

相比制作出《西藏七年》（Seven Years in Tibet）和《衮顿》（Kundun）等影片的那些令人激动的日子，以及好莱坞与达赖喇嘛和图伯特之间热烈（而短暂的）浪漫史，目前对博巴（藏人）而言是一个痛苦的转变。由于壮美的风景和独一无二的神秘特质，图伯特依然会偶尔出现在一些电影中，但是正像《蝙蝠侠：开战时刻》（Batman Begins）和《2012》等电影所显示的，如今图伯特能够在影片中出镜，实际上必须满足以下几个前提：第一，要保证不出现“图伯特”这个名称；第二，不允许出现这个有争议的地区直至最近依然不是中国一部分的任何暗示；第三，要确保影片中的博巴由中国演员扮演。

现在，除了好莱坞、《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》，为了意识形态上的改头换面，北京又似乎盯上了美国的另外一家媒体机构，这家机构虽然规模较小也不那么广为人知，但是对于图伯特民众和他们争取自由的斗争却有着举足轻重的作用。

对于整个被占领的图伯特地区的民众而言，自由亚洲电台（RFA）藏语部一直以来都是最有效的新闻和信息来源——不仅是关于外部世界的消息，更重要的是关于他们自己国家所发生的重要事件和活动。否则，由于中国安全机关和宣传机构的封锁，他们对这些活动和事件几乎一无所知。对于图伯特普通民众来说，RFA以均衡、客观和专业的态度报道了发生在拉萨、格尔登寺（Kirti格底寺，位于今四川省阿坝州阿坝县）、热贡（Rebkong，即今青海省黄南州）和措洛（Tsolho，即今青海省海南州）的大规模抗议示威；报道了中国对高僧大德和异见人士的逮捕；报道了康区民众与中国矿业公司之间的暴力冲突；报道了连续不断的自焚事件（到今天即11月27日已经有八十人）。这些报道与“拉萨广播电台”、“西藏自治区电视台”、康甘孜地区以及“青海人民广播电台”（和电视台）等等中国官方媒体那尖利刺耳的谴责和虚假报道形成了强烈的对比。在这些中国媒体上，播音员用中国腔的博伊（藏语）照本宣科，（尤其是农牧区）民众难以听懂这种靠官方政策强制使用的博伊——这样做的目的或许是为了将博伊本身最终汉化。

RFA对达赖喇嘛讲话、传法和旅行的报道在图伯特境内大受欢迎，同样受欢迎的报道还有有关流亡政府和流亡博巴的新闻（无论是正面的还是负面的），尤其是博巴们在纽约、伦敦和德里等地举行抗议和有关活动的新闻。在RFA的一次电话交谈节目中，一位拉萨的听众打进电话说，这些报道给了像他这样身处图伯特境内的普通民众以希望，让他们在绝望和镇压之下不觉得那么与世隔绝。

中国人花费了巨大的人力物力阻扰RFA向图伯特境内播音。由于图伯特高原的面积和地形，中国的阻扰并非总能奏效，因此，图伯特占领当局规定收听RFA博伊节目是犯罪行为，如同在纳粹占领的欧洲收听BBC广播。由于中国的移动监测系统和告密者在人口密集地区活动频繁，有人告诉我，牧民们赶着畜群去山区牧场时会把收音机藏进行囊。在海拔更高的地方，不仅会接收更加清晰，而且不会有警察和告密者来检查。等到这些牧民回到他们的村庄，他们会把听到的内容告诉他们的家人和村庄里信得过的人。

RFA问世于（1989年）天安门屠杀之后，当时，越来越多的美国公众支持向亚洲地区严酷政府管制下的民众提供信息。1994年，美国国会通过了《国际广播法案》（International Broadcasting Act），并创建了作为私营和非盈利机构的RFA。它的资金来源是政府的年度联邦拨款，但是这个项目中最为影响深远和至关重要的部分是规定了不要求RFA播发由美国政府提供的消息。在RFA播出内容中，只有20%是有关美国的，而其他的80%是由电台的各个语种分部独立开发制作。各语种分部都是由本身来自这个语种的人员运作，享有广泛的编辑自主权。

我从一位美国高级官员处得到的关于RFA工作任务的一个解释是，RFA的创立是为了给那些没有自己自由的国家广播机构的民众提供一个“代理”广播机构。电台负责人、播音员和记者们的根本任务便是向那些国家和民众提供他们自己独立的和最及时的广播服务，而这一切都由美国民众买单。

这对于图伯特事业而言是一个巨大的意外之喜。但是最初的兴高采烈很快就变成了灰心丧气，因为听说将要担任藏语部负责人的是阿沛•晋美——阿沛•阿旺晋美的儿子。而阿沛•阿旺晋美是1959年以来整个噶厦政府内阁中唯一与中共占领当局合作的噶伦。

RFA藏语部主任，阿沛•晋美（Ngabo Jigme）

我必须承认，我当时和大家的担心是一样的。但是随着时间推移，阿沛•晋美证明了自己是这个关键岗位的理想人选。由于他在图伯特和中国受过教育，并工作过，以及后来在弗吉尼亚大学的求学经历，使得他不仅可以流利地运用三种语言，而且可以接触到这几个地区很多的机构和个人，从而可以让RFA获得很多其他机构无法获得的信息和新闻。他成功地说服像获奖诗人和博客作家茨仁唯色这样的在图伯特和中国都很著名的图伯特作家和知识分子，成为RFA节目的固定撰稿人。达赖喇嘛也全心支持他任职。由于他同流亡社会的政治环境没有任何瓜葛，同时也因为他真正是一位言辞温和的谦谦君子，他一开始得以在云诡波秘的图伯特政治风浪中幸存下来。

晋美带给这项工作的最可贵的品质便是确立了这样一种理念：真理的客观性超越任何（甚至是我们自己一边的）掌权者的观点。我推想，这或许是由于他来自一个根本没有这种品质的社会。晋美确信，他的任务不仅仅是与中国的宣传机器相抗争，还包括通过电台向公众介绍存在于图伯特社会的各种各样的观点和看法，而这是绝大多数与图伯特有关的媒体未曾做过的事情。

主要是由于在《图伯特评论》（Tibetan Review）和故乡网站（Phayul.com）上发表的政论文章，以及在图伯特表演艺术协会期间创作和编导的一些剧目，我长期以来在图伯特官方世界（包括与之相关的外国机构和个人）是一个不受欢迎的人。我曾经是发行量最大的独立博伊报纸《民主报》（Mangtso）的编辑之一，这份报纸在流亡民众当中获得了前所未有的成功，但这也让达兰萨拉的一些图伯特领导人和政客们感到不快。2001年，由于尊者公开表示了对这份报纸报道的不满，《民主报》最终迫于压力不得不关闭。因此，数年之后，如果我的记忆准确的话，当我接到担任RFA顾问的邀请时，我感到相当惊奇。

我曾经参与过各种各样的节目，但是参加最多的是他们的“星期天谈政治”（Sunday Political Talk Show）节目。这个节目由资深新闻记者嘎玛珠康（Karma Zurkhang）主持，他曾经是流亡政府议会成员，也是在达兰萨拉很有影响力的人物。晋美和他的职员从未试图对我进行言论审查或是劝导我降低论调和改变说法。这是另外一个让我感到惊奇的地方。当然，我在这些讨论中并没有信口开河，因为也有退休的或在任的流亡政府官员以及其他专家参与讨论并经常质疑我的观点。图伯特听众还从尼泊尔、印度和西方国家打来电话，提出他们的评论和批评意见。就在2008年左右，也有听众从图伯特境内和中国打来电话，直言不讳地对流亡博巴举行的抗议示威表示支持。这些有关政策的真正的辩论或许没有在图伯特世界的任何其他论坛上出现过。

我很感激获得参与这些节目的机会。参与这些节目并没有多少报酬，但是节目给我提供了一个让图伯特境内的民众了解我的观点的机会，并且让那里的民众知道，尽管流亡政府早就放弃了争取图伯特独立的事业，但是流亡博巴中依然有人为了这个事业一如既往地奔走呼喊。我应该顺便说一下，我一直都是通过电话参与这些节目的。好几年之后我才短暂造访了设在华盛顿的RFA办公室，当时阿沛•晋美送给我一个马克杯作为纪念。

前噶伦赤巴、博士桑东仁波切
（Samdong Rinpoche）

和往常一样，有关在RFA节目中的这些谈话内容的政治正当性，开始从达兰萨拉传来怨言。大概八年以前，两位流亡政府的重要官员正式访问了RFA并与阿沛•晋美和其他图伯特职员进行了一次交谈。这两位贵宾指责RFA允许反对达赖喇嘛和流亡政府的人士参与节目，说这些人的批评意见会让图伯特境内的博巴们失去信心。

RFA的编辑自主权一直让流亡政府感到头疼，前噶伦赤巴桑东仁波切在他的整个任期里都拒绝接受RFA的任何采访和会见，并且指示内阁部长和秘书们都要照此办理。他还采取了一种低调但坚持不懈的方式声讨RFA为图伯特政府的“反对派”提供在节目中表达自己观点的机会。

去年，RFA台长刘仚（Libby Liu）和她的得力助手、藏人职员嘎登洛卓（Kalden Lodoe）数次造访达兰萨拉和其他一些地方，会见流亡政府官员和新任噶伦赤巴洛桑森格。一位知情者告诉我，在这些会谈中直接提到了像我这样不同意达赖喇嘛“中间道路”政策的图伯特青年大会领导人和“让赞”活动人士。

RFA雇员，嘎登洛卓
（Kalden Lodoe）

嘎登洛卓似乎是达兰萨拉在RFA的铁杆拥护者，他一直气势汹汹地反对所有主张独立的活动人士。他得到了桑东仁波切的褒奖——仁波切打破自己定下的“抵制RFA”的规矩，破例作为嘉宾参加了他的节目。我们或许可以想象，嘎登一定是执恭敬顺从之礼款待了他的嘉宾。曾经有RFA的听众对我说，如果参加节目的嘉宾碰巧是图伯特青年大会（TYC）或是自由图伯特学生运动（SFT）的领导人物，嘎登会变得非常的咄咄逼人，他会用肖恩•哈尼蒂（Sean Hannity）那种盛气凌人的方式指责这些领导人组织反对中国的示威抗议，他认为这些活动违背了达赖喇嘛的意愿。

2011年7月达赖喇嘛在华盛顿举办时轮法会（Kalachakra Initiation），作为主要组织者的嘎登洛卓指使安保人员将图伯特青年大会（TYC）主席次旺仁增（Tsewang Rigzin）逐出会场。我自己也曾在2001年秋天偶遇这位有些气势汹汹的还俗僧人。当时我在华盛顿的图伯特社区做一个关于为何我们不应该放弃独立斗争的报告。在问答阶段，嘎登洛卓坚持认为，达赖喇嘛的中间道路与图伯特独立的目标之间没有内在的差异，而我是在流亡社会内部制造纠纷并且通过演讲和文章表示了对尊者的不忠不义。

达赖喇嘛特使，洛地嘉日
（Lodi Gyari）

去年12月，达赖喇嘛特使、国际声援图伯特运动（ICT）执行主席洛地嘉日（Lodi Gyari）坚持要求在“星期天谈政治”节目中获得一次单独讲话的机会。在强调了自己作为达赖喇嘛特使的显贵身份之后，他全然不顾主持人嘎玛珠康试图缓和讲话气氛的努力，用长达一个小时的时间对那些“反对达赖喇嘛和流亡政府的博巴”进行了言辞激烈的攻击。他虽然没有直接点我的名，但是有听众告诉我，我无疑是他猛烈抨击的对象之一。

嘉日的高谈阔论在流亡政治圈里本属司空见惯。不过，我在几周以前曾经出现在相同的“星期天谈政治”节目当中，评论了他发表过的一份虚假声明。这或许促使他安排时间进行这次单独讲话。

CTA司炯洛桑森格数次与刘仚会面，而看起来他已经成功地向她施展了魅力并且让她相信——阿沛•晋美领导的RFA藏语部是反对达赖喇嘛“中间道路”政策的，图伯特境内的听众会因为RFA的这些节目而灰心丧气。今年六月，洛桑森格、刘仚和达赖喇嘛驻纽约代表洛桑念扎（Lobsang Nyandak）似乎还曾在伦敦会面，讨论了重建RFA藏语部和替换阿沛•晋美的必要性。

在又一次参加了节目之后，我得到了嘎玛珠康主持的“星期天谈政治”节目被完全取消的新闻。这个决定是在今年四月份生效的，并没有通知阿沛•晋美，他当时正式休假去探望生病的母亲。我其他有关探讨世界文学家和政治思想家的节目也被取消。关于这些节目的终止，我没有收到任何正式或非正式的通知。

RFA台长，刘仚
（Libby Liu）

11月5日上午，RFA台长刘仚用一种羞辱性的方式突然解雇了阿沛•晋美。他被安保人员押送出办公室。刘仚随后召集藏语部雇员举行会议，在对他们所有人作了一通严厉训斥之后，宣布阿沛•晋美已经被解雇。有一位雇员问到解雇的原因，但得到的回答是由于“私人”原因，与其他任何人无关。对于其他在RFA工作的博巴而言，这个决定无异于晴天霹雳。他们喜欢并且信任阿沛•晋美，感激他对他们的敬业精神和独立性给予的尊重。藏语部所有41名雇员，除去休假的两名，其他人当即签署了一份支持阿沛•晋美的信件，敦促恢复他藏语部主任的职务。嘎登洛卓是唯一没有签名的雇员。

阿沛•晋美被解雇之后几天，达赖喇嘛驻纽约代表洛桑念扎访问华盛顿，目的似乎是为了挫败RFA雇员支持晋美复职的任何努力。洛桑念扎召集RFA所有图伯特雇员在ICT的办公地点参加会议。但是，参加者寥寥无几。他告诉这些人，流亡政府不是解雇事件的幕后主使，但是对于所发生的事情并没有不同看法。他指出，阿沛•晋美犯了很多错误，允许反对流亡政府的人士发表误导性的观点。

司炯洛桑森格(Lobsang Sangye)与达赖喇嘛驻纽约代表洛桑念扎（Lobsang Nyandak）

对这一丑闻首先做出回应的人士之一是诗人茨仁唯色，她在博客上发表了一篇文章谴责解雇阿沛•晋美，并且指出整个事件是如何地让她回想起自己被中共控制的西藏文联开除的经历。但是她注意到，开除她的“汉人官员”至少还“轻柔地”告诉她原因，不像在阿沛•晋美身上所发生的事情。唯色总结说，同RFA的官员相比，“……共产党官员相比还坦诚些。”

随后，还出现了一篇相关的新闻稿和美国国会议员德纳•罗拉巴切（Dana Rohrabacher）致藏人行政中央的两封信。他在信中说：“我有理由相信他（阿沛•晋美）是由于政治原因被停职的……” 从2011年3月以来，已经有73名博巴自焚。罗拉巴切议员说，“再清楚不过了，图伯特民众正在为自由和独立而献出生命。自由亚洲电台必须继续作为一个准确的信息来源而存在。任何在自由亚洲电台内部进行新闻审查的提议必须受到彻底调查。”

或许阿沛•晋美被解雇，在某种程度上只不过是达兰萨拉倾向于强制性管控流亡社会传播媒介和支持团体的一个令人悲叹的例证，而这种控制早已屡见不鲜。流亡政府还试图用这种方式将那些对他们的政策持不同意见的人士边缘化。在过去的一两年，流亡政府的这种管控明显有愈演愈烈的势头。《图伯特政治评论》（Tibetan Political Review）的一篇名为《流亡政府发言人和噶伦赤巴是否在钳制言论自由？》（Are the Speaker and Kalon Tripa stifling free speech?）的社论注意到了这个趋势。其他出版物中也有一些文章关注了同样的问题，其中值得瞩目的一篇文章是丹增宁杰（Tenzin Nyinjey）所作的《言论审查与图伯特独立斗争》（Censorship and the struggle for Tibetan freedom）。

但是，如果我们具体地检视达兰萨拉究竟试图钳制什么样的言论或观点，一个总体的模式便浮出水面。CTA所下的功夫主要是针对像TYC这样倡导图伯特独立并在这个问题上积极挑战北京的个人和组织。今年，以司炯（Sikyong）洛桑森格和议会议长边巴次仁（Pempa Tsering）为首，达兰萨拉方面通过指控TYC“伤害”达赖喇嘛来激起民众的愤怒，有些宗教权利团体开始呼吁关闭TYC并攻击和殴打TYC的领导人。

CTA坚信，如果所有争取独立的活动和讨论都能设法得到组织或控制，北京方面就会同意达赖喇嘛的中间道路政策所提议的解决方案，即“真正的自治”（genuine autonomy）；或者，至少会恢复两年前终止的谈判。这是CTA的一个坚定不移的信念，我想这种信念并非完全处于一厢情愿的空想。北京方面必定在某些时候向CTA做出过实际的提议。当然，北京方面是在玩弄CTA，就像是在拉小提琴或者更准确的说是在拉二胡。但是，达兰萨拉在这些问题上偏向于某种自说自话的天真幼稚，这一点是众所周知的。

以往并非没有发生过这样的事情。有一个例证是在2002年，北京确实与达兰萨拉进行了接触并保证举行更进一步的“谈判”，目的是要保证当时的中国国家主席江泽民对美国进行的最后一次国事访问不受干扰。图伯特噶伦赤巴桑东仁波切给所有的博巴和支持团体发出了直接指令——不得举行抗议。不过还是有少数人举行了抗议。博巴和支持者在温哥华举行反对中国的游行时，来自中国驻温哥华领事馆的一位官员来到抗议者跟前，呵斥他们说：“你们的领导人没有告诉你们不要示威吗？”后来在纽约举行的示威抗议中，有一位图伯特裔的中国官员用博伊对示威者们吼叫道：“你们不应该这样做。难道你们的政府没有告诉你们不要抗议吗？”

当前，在图伯特接连不断发生的一系列自焚事件正引起中共高层越来越多的关注，这些自焚事件在措洛（Tsolho，今青海省海南州）和热贡（Rebkong，今青海省黄南州）等地引发了前所未有的示威抗议。中国到目前为止完全是依靠在整个图伯特地区大规模，几乎是接近饱和规模，部署安保人员来控制自焚事件。但是，它已经开始意识到这些措施对于决意赴死的个体自焚者是无效的，因为自焚的实施不同于任何有组织的集体行动。中国领导人同时也越发意识到，自焚事件和整个图伯特民众中日益增长的愤恨会导致整个图伯特高原的严重动荡，而这些动荡还可能波及周边地区，从而带来难以预计的后果。

因此，我们可以合乎情理地假设北京方面希望达兰萨拉阻止当前的自焚抗议，或者至少是阻断来自流亡社会，尤其是来自RFA广播的“分裂主义分子”的消息传播。北京方面坚信这些消息在为图伯特境内的自焚和抗议活动火上浇油。反过来说，达兰萨拉或许和北京方面有同样的关切，正如《图伯特政治评论》的那篇社论所指出的，“图伯特境内的自焚危机和图伯特特使们的辞职给赞同中间道路政策的图伯特领导人施加了极大的压力。”

中共官员肖武男与尊者嘉瓦噶玛巴
（H.H.Gyalwang Karmapa）在达兰萨拉

今年的8月16日，中共统战部（这个部门曾经负责与流亡政府的谈判）高官肖武男访问了印度，并在达兰萨拉受到达赖喇嘛和洛桑森格（当时的称呼还是“噶伦赤巴”）的接见。一位印度研究者贾雅德瓦•拉纳德（Jayadeva Ranade，前政府高级官员）在文章《忧心巨龙：中国与博巴关系的新序曲》（A concerned dragon: China’s fresh overture to Tibetans）中写道，肖武男或许带来了一位中国高层领袖的私人讯息，可能是习近平。拉纳德写道，“他或许告诉过达赖喇嘛，如果他放弃‘反华’活动并且表示支持共产党政权，那么中国会欢迎他在北京安度晚年。”

这篇文章还注意到，“巧合的是，在会谈之后的一个月内，藏人行政中央领袖的职衔由‘噶伦赤巴’（首相）变成了不那么引起争议的——从北京的眼光看——‘司炯’（政治领袖）。”

拉纳德当然只是猜测，但是他所分析的各方面无论如何都存在密切的关联。无需猜测的是，新德里方面对CTA会见肖武男的决定感到不快，尤其是与噶玛巴的会见。未曾想，肖提出的种种问题触怒了这位年轻的仁波切，会见被突然终止。在离开拉纳德饶有兴味的分析之前，我应该指出，我相信北京方面可能早已就这个问题与达兰萨拉有所接触。如果是为了安排达成交易的种种关门过节，你无需组织一场像肖武男访问这样声势浩大的表演，谨言慎行方为上策。

我坚持认为，中国多年以来一直在操纵CTA的政策制定。1989年，我曾在《图伯特评论》（Tibetan Review）的一篇文章中指出，中国是如何利用西方某些政客和个人在不知不觉中充当中共的“影响力代理人”，从而说服达赖喇嘛放弃争取图伯特独立并接受图伯特是中国的一部分。我在文章中指名道姓，并且提供了具体细节，甚至在一本文集中再版了这篇文章，但至今无人表示任何形式的否认或驳斥。达兰萨拉对类似指控的反应通常是“倨傲不屑，一言不发”，因此，司炯洛桑森格当即发表否认与阿沛晋美被解职有任何关系的信件让我深感好奇。

诚然，当受到美国在任国会议员的指控并可能影响到CTA从美国政府得到的资助时，当即否认或许是明智的。但是我想，为了挽回局势和全面地重建信心，还有更多的事情必须要做。当前，重大的、灾难性的事件正在图伯特境内发生，阉割RFA的阴谋出现的可谓“正当其时”。毋庸赘言，阿沛•晋美应该立即复职，藏语部的所有雇员也应该即刻重新担当起他们至关重要的职责。为了让我们的美国朋友和其他支持者消除疑虑，图伯特流亡议会应该设立一个强有力的议会委员会对此事进行彻底调查。当然，这个委员会必须由超党派人士组成，因此，议会议长边巴次仁应该首先被排除在外。这样的回应不仅可以易于为美国议员们所接受，而且将有助于我们自身民主进程的发展。我恳请所有的读者直接给他们的议会代表（chithue）写信，还要给图伯特的报纸、杂志和网站发送电子邮件，呼吁成立这样的调查委员会。

如果CTA和流亡议会一无作为，那么身在美国的博巴则应该给他们的国会议员写信，向他们发出呼吁。美国国会为了给图伯特自由斗争提供强大而独立的声音所进行的尝试是高贵而成功的，必须确保这样的尝试免遭劫持，必须确保RFA免于堕落为北京“真理部”隐蔽的宣传前哨。

阿沛·晋美先生谈自由亚洲电台藏语媒体之影响力

这虽然是一篇2006年的访谈，但对自由亚洲电台藏语部及其负责人阿沛·晋美先生，提供了基本概括的了解。

訪談阿沛·晋美：自由亞洲电台 —— 藏语媒体之影响力

记者：Phayul（故乡网）Tenzin Choephel
译者：推友 @lotusseedsD
发表时间：2006年11月7日，星期二
原文网址：故乡网站http://www.phayul.com/news/article.aspx?id=14602&t=1

“多年来我们一直想要派遣一位记者在西藏工作，可是中国政府强烈反对；我们多次尝试派遣境外记者到西藏播报新闻事件，可是从来不曾获得允许。但我们有一些来自中国经常为我们提供新闻资料的人，我们是第一个获得这样的资讯的部门，他们每星期提交报导，我们计划扩大这方面的工作。”

阿沛·晋美先生是位于美国首府华盛顿的
自由亞洲电台藏语部主任。
(图片作者：Lhuboom)

有着热忱且专业的职员和多才能的记者，自由亞洲电台 (RFA) 藏语部毫无争议地，是为海外藏人提供高素质的全球新闻服务的藏语电台。通过电台、卫星和互联网，为世界各地包括西藏境内的藏人提供藏语新闻和多样性的节目。我有机会能够与最近到访加德满都的阿沛·晋美先生访谈，他是RFA藏语部的创办人之一兼主任。下面是访谈内容：

故乡网：您何时加入RFA？

阿沛·晋美：我于1996年6月1日加入RFA。我加入RFA时，当时的藏语部门仅有10名职员，而我自那时起一直到今天都在RFA工作，至今已达10年。我是第一位开始藏语服务的职员。

故乡网：请您简短地介绍自由亞洲電台藏语部好吗？

阿沛·晋美：我们于1996年12月1日正式投入广播服务，今年12月将是完整的十年。我们在首都华盛顿有36位职员，播报三种藏语方言，卫藏方言一日播报六小时，然后是康与安多方言各一小时，每日总共播报三种方言，节目全长服务为8小时。自今年一月以来，我们开始通过亚洲卫星二（Asia SAT 2）做24小时广播；在西藏有卫星接收器的藏人告诉我们，他们可以清晰地收听我们的节目，印度南部也有许多人收听我们的节目。但目前没有视频，仅限音频。

故乡网：您的电台对新闻内容的播出有偏好吗？

阿沛·晋美：有，我们主要为（境内）西藏的听众服务，我们最重要的新闻是关于（境内）西藏的新闻，在开始阶段，我们的广播服务诉求对象就是（境内）西藏，所以我们主要是关于西藏的新闻以及关注流亡藏人社区方面的新闻，中国方面的许多新闻也是我们所关注的，因为它同西藏有直接的关系。除此之外，我们也报道来自印度、尼泊尔和其它亚洲国家的重要新闻，和一些重要的国际新闻如阿富汗战争。在华盛顿以外，我们有许多驻外记者，例如在尼泊尔、印度、瑞士和德国等。

故乡网：RFA藏语部有多少听众？

阿沛·晋美：我们无法确定究竟有多少听众，不过在开播后的头三年我们有来自境内藏地的大量听众，因为那时候收听海外广播没受到中国政府的干扰，而且收听也很清晰。而中国在1999年开始对电台进行信号干扰，自那时起，西藏许多地区就比较难听到我们的广播，特别是在大的城镇，许多人想法通知我们这一情况，我们尝试更换频率并添加新的频率可是干扰持续加大，因此我们流失了很多听众。但是在乡村，许多人仍能收听，我们听说有些人特别到远离城镇的地方以便能收听我们的节目，回家后谈论节目内容。开始的时候，西藏自治区内有许多阻扰，但在康和安多地区许多人仍能收听我们的广播。我们收到来自这两个地区的许多信件，在一些节目里我们接受听众来电，来自安多地区的许多听众经常打进来。

但是这也被中国政府发现了。尽管如此，现今科技越来越发达，我们通过卫星广播，康和安多地区的接收度非常好，因为许多家庭有私人卫星接收器，同时在西藏，互联网使用率也增长得很快，听众可以通过我们的网站收听，但是，中国政府也屏蔽了许多像我们这类服务的网站，给我们带来很大的问题。我们尝试通过代理服务器并以电邮方式，将节目直接给我们的听众。我可以说听众喜欢我们的广播服务，只是无法确定有多少人收听。

故乡网：藏语部提供重要新闻给其他RFA的语言广播服务吗？

阿沛·晋美：是的，我们同其他部门有着良好关系，他们对西藏事务也有兴趣，如果有重大新闻他们都会播报。我们也发布藏语部的独家新闻给其他部门。中文部是最重要的部门，也经常播报大量关于西藏的新闻。

故乡网： RFA是美国政府资助的吗？

阿沛·晋美：对。它是由美国政府资助但是我们不属于政府部门。它属于私人公司，非常幸运地，美国政府不干涉我们的工作，完全不带条件，这非常好。

故乡网：RFA未来是否会像VOA（美国之音）一样扩展电视服务？有这样的计划吗 ？

阿沛·晋美：初时我们有扩展到电视服务的计划，只是目前因为美国政府推出了中东电视新闻频道，所以面临预算限制。为此，现时没有确定的计划。不过我们已计划开展网络电视服务，目前处于筹备阶段，不过我尚不清楚何时才能开播，我们希望在2007年投入服务。

故乡网：您会派任新的职员负责这项工作吗？

阿沛·晋美：我们会尝试动员现有的职员负责网络电视，但是如果需要技术专才，那么到时候我们会聘用新职员。

故乡网：有兴趣加入RFA的年轻人是否有机会呢？

阿沛·晋美：在华盛顿以外我们一直都需要记者，但在华盛顿内目前没有空缺。

故乡网：您有记者在西藏从事秘密报导吗？

阿沛·晋美：因为提供的是广播服务，我们从来不做秘密工作。在西藏我们有合作的人能让我们问些问题。我们有新闻来源，而他们为我们提供发生在西藏社会的信息，一切都是公开进行的，我们不从事秘密报导。多年来我们一直想要派遣一位记者在西藏工作，可是中国政府强烈反对；我们多次尝试派遣境外记者到西藏播报新闻事件，可是从来不曾获得允许。但我们有一些来自中国经常为我们提供新闻资料的人，我们是第一个获得这样的资讯的部门，他们每星期提交报导，我们计划扩大这方面的工作。

故乡网：他们是RFA的正规记者吗？

阿沛·晋美：严格说来他们不是记者；有两种形式，一种是正规报道员而另一种是每周新闻投稿员，他们通常提交每周发生在西藏的事件报导。他们到西藏去并熟悉西藏，直到目前为止都没有问题。一般来说，我们做的任何事情都是彻底公开且毫无秘密的。

故乡网： RFA有些什么新发展吗？

阿沛·晋美：我们正在开发一个能供我们网站使用的统一码藏文字体，它能让拜访我们网站的人，在不须下载任何字体的情况下浏览我们的网站，这一服务很快就会出来。我们的网站是互联网上第一个提供藏语新闻的藏语门户网站，并一直持续着提供这一服务。

故乡网：RFA藏语部自成立以来壮大了多少？

阿沛·晋美：目前RFA大约有300名职员。中文部是第一个投入服务的部门，两个月后藏语部正式开播，我们是RFA里第二大部门。

Interview: Radio Free Asia – a Tibetan Media Force

Phayul[Tuesday, November 07, 2006 10:36] By Tenzin Choephel Phayul Correspondent “We have been trying for many years to appoint a reporter in Tibet but Chinese Government strongly opposed it, we tried many times to send our outside reporters to Tibet to cover events but we never got permission, however, we have some regular contributors from China”. Jigmey la, the director of Radio Free Asia Tibetan service based in Washington DC US. (Photo by Lhuboom) Radio Free Asia’s (RFA) Tibetan Service with it’s dedicated Tibetan staff and versatile reporters is undisputedly the number one Tibetan radio service of the Tibetan Diaspora providing quality worldwide news. Tibetans news in particular and varieties of programmes to Tibetans all over the world including Tibetans inside Tibet via radio, satellite and the Internet. I had an opportunity to meet and interview one the founding members and director of RFA Tibetan Service Mr. Ngabö Jigme during his recent visit to Kathmandu. Following are the Excerpts of the interview: Phayul: When did you join RFA? Jigme La: I joined RFA on 1st June 1996. When I joined RFA, there were only about ten people in RFA, I have been working in RFA since then and now it is ten years, I was the first one who started the Tibetan service. Phayul: Could you please give me a brief introduction of Radio Free Asia Tibetan Service? Jigme La: We started our service on 1st December 1996 and this year in December we are completing 10 years. We have 36 staffs in Washington DC, we broadcast our service in three Tibetan language dialects of Uke, the biggest one that is broadcasted 6 hours a day, then Khamke and Amke for one hour respectively and in total it is 8 hours daily service. From January this year, we started broadcasting for 24 hours via Asia SAT 2 satellite; in Tibet people having satellite dish told us that they could listen to our service very clearly and many people in South India are also listening to our programmes. There is no video though and it is audio only. Phayul: Do you give any preference to contents of the news broadcasted on your radio? Jigme La: Yes, we broadcast mainly for our audience in Tibet, our most important news are about news of Tibet, when we first started, we started it as a radio service for Tibet, so our news are mainly about Tibet and also news concerning our Tibetan refugees and about many things concerning China also because it is directly related to Tibet. Other than that, we also broadcast important news of India, Nepal and other Asian countries and some important world news like the Afghan war. We have many news reporters outside Washington DC, like in Nepal, India, Switzerland, Germany etc. Phayul: What is the number of listeners of your radio service? Jigme La: We cannot say exactly how many people listen to our radio but during our first three years we had lot of listeners in Tibet because during those time there was no restriction on listening to radio in Tibet by China and the radio reception in Tibet was clear; then since about 1999 China started jamming radio signals and then it was difficult to listen to our radio in many parts of Tibet, particularly in big towns, many people informed us, we tried to change frequencies and add frequencies but the obstruction was also becoming bigger and so we were losing many listeners. However, in villages, many people still listen, we heard that some people even go outside their town to listen to our radio and then come back and talk about it. Initially, there was lots of obstruction in TAR but it was ok in Kham and Amdo Region and people listen to our radio. We received many letters from those regions also, we have phone in programmes where many people from Amdo Region call. However, that was also discovered by Chinese. Though, nowadays, technology is developing, we are broadcasting via satellite and it is probably very well received in Kham and Amdo Regions because many households have private satellite dish and nowadays in Tibet Internet usage is growing fast. People can listen via our website also, however, China is also blocking many website like ours and it is giving us a big problem but we are trying to use proxies and send it directly via emails to many people. I could say that people like and listen to our radio but I cannot exactly say how many people listen. Phayul: Does your Tibetan Service provide important news to other language services of RFA? Jigme La: Yes, we have very good relationship with other departments, they are also interested in Tibetan affairs, if it were a big news then they would always broadcast it, we also distribute news that are exclusively received by our department. The most important is the Chinese department and they broadcast many news of Tibet also. Phayul: Is RFA funded by the Government of USA? Jigme La: Yes, it is funded by the Government of USA but we are not a government department. It is a privately owned company and we are lucky that the US Government does not interfere in our work, there is no condition and it is extremely good. Phayul: Is there any plan of RFA expanding to television in the future like VOA (Voice of America)? Jigme La: We first had a plan to expand to TV but in the meantime there was budget restriction by the US Government due to launching of new TV channels in the Middle East. So, at present there is no definite plan but we are planning to start a web TV service. We are currently doing some preparation for that but I am not sure when we can start, we probably hope to launch it in 2007. Phayul: Will you appoint new staff for that? Jigme La: We would try to mobilize our current staff for that web TV but if we need technical experts then we might hire them that time. Phayul: Is there any opportunity for interested young people to join RFA? Jigme La: We always have requirement of reporters from outside but in Washington DC we don’t have any vacancy at present. Phayul: Do you have anyone in Tibet reporting secretly? Jigme La: We never do any secret job since it is a radio service. We have people in Tibet whom we could ask things, we have news sources and they provide information on what happens in the society and there is nothing secret about it and we don’t do any such secret things. We have been trying for many years to appoint a reporter in Tibet but Chinese Government strongly opposed it, we tried many times to send our outside reporters to Tibet to cover events but we never got permission, however, we have some regular contributors from China, we were the first one to have that, they send weekly reports and we are planning to expand that. Phayul:Are they regular correspondents of RFA? Jigme La: They are not exactly correspondents; there are two types, one is our regular reporter and the other is our weekly contributors, they usually send weekly reports related to Tibet. They go to Tibet and knows about Tibet very well and until now there was no problem. Generally, whatever we are doing is inside out and there is nothing secret. Phayul: Is there any new developments in RFA? Jigme La: We are currently developing a Unicode Tibetan font for our website that anyone could see our website without having to download any font and it would be out very soon. Our website is the first Tibetan language web portal providing Tibetan news on the Internet and we have been continuing that. Phayul: How much has RFA Tibetan service grown since then? Jigme La: At present there are about 300 people working for RFA. The Chinese language was the first and two months later our Tibetan service started, we are the second largest department in RFA.

美国众议员罗拉巴切关注自由亚洲电台藏语部的新闻审查问题

Rohrabacher Concerned about Censorship in Tibetan Service of Radio Free Asia

November 16, 2012
Contact: Tara Setmayer
202-225-2415

Washington, D.C. – Congressman Dana Rohrabacher (CA-46) wrote to Radio Free Asia President Libby Liu yesterday inquiring about the abrupt dismissal of long time Tibet Service Director, Jigme Ngapo. Congressman Rohrabacher wrote, “I have reason to believe that he was terminated for political reasons.” Last month almost every staff member of the Tibet Service signed a letter of support of Ngapo and urged that he remain on as Director. He is well known in the Tibetan community for encouraging and permitting divergent points of view to be aired on RFA about Tibet’s future.

Jamyang Norbu, one of the most prominent intellectual voices outside of occupied-Tibet, a supporter of free speech, democracy, and independence for Tibet recently had his contract terminated by RFA.

Lobsang Sangay, the Prime Minister of the Tibetan Government in Exile and his predecessor Samdong Rinpoche have in the past expressed their opposition of the leadership of the Tibetan Service at RFA. Both have met with President Libby Liu.

73 Tibetans have self-immolated since March 2011, Rep. Rohrabacher said, “It could not be clearer; the people of Tibet are dying for freedom and independence. RFA needs to continue to be the source for accurate information. Any suggestion of political censorship within RFA must be fully investigated.”

Rep. Rohrabacher is Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations.

美国众议员罗拉巴切关注自由亚洲电台藏语部的新闻审查问题

2012年11月16日
联系：塔拉•赛特梅耶
202-225-2415

华盛顿消息——国会议员德纳•罗拉巴切（Dana Rohrabacher）昨日写信给自由亚洲电台台长Libby Liu，质询长期任职的藏语部主任阿沛·晋美为何突然遭到解职。罗拉巴切写到，“我有理由相信他是由于政治原因被停职。”上个月，几乎所有藏语部雇员共同签署了一份信件，要求恢复阿沛·晋美的藏语部主任职务。阿沛·晋美鼓励并允许在自由亚洲电台播发有关图伯特未来的各种不同观点，并因此闻名于图伯特社会。

嘉央诺布是被占领的图伯特境外最著名的知识分子之一，他一直支持言论自由、民主和图伯特独立。他和自由亚洲电台之间的合同也遭到终止。

图伯特流亡政府总理洛桑森格（Lobsang Sangay）和他的前任桑东仁波切（Samdong Rinpoche）过去曾经表达过反对自由亚洲电台藏语部领导人。他们两人都曾会见过Libby Liu。

从2011年3月以来，已经有73名博巴自焚。罗拉巴切众议员说，“再清楚不过了，图伯特民众正在为自由和独立而献出生命。自由亚洲电台必须继续作为一个准确的信息来源而存在。任何在自由亚洲电台内部进行新闻审查的提议必须受到彻底调查。”

注：罗拉巴切众议员是美国外交事务委员会（House Foreign Affairs）监督与调查附属委员会（Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations）的主席。

【以上英文原文转自让赞联盟网站，由更桑东智（@johnlee1021）译为中文。】

延伸阅读：

自由亚洲电台藏语部主任阿沛·晋美为何突然被解雇？（文/唯色）http://woeser.middle-way.net/2012/11/blog-post_9.html

茉莉：从唯色的困惑和忧虑谈起——关于阿沛·晋美先生被解雇事件http://woeser.middle-way.net/2012/11/blog-post_15.html

纽约时报：Unwelcome at the Party （文/王力雄；译/林培瑞）

两张照片：我和我先生，拍于2008年的北京和2011年的拉萨。

本文转自纽约时报：http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/07/opinion/in-china-unwelcome-at-the-party.html?_r=0

Unwelcome at the Party

By WANG LIXIONG
Published: November 6, 2012

BeijingON Thursday, China’s Communist Party will begin its 18th National Congress, which it nicknames “18th Major.” I don’t belong to a political party and have never felt that Communist Party meetings are any of my business. But my home is in Beijing. I am a writer, and Han Chinese. My wife, Woeser, is also a writer, and Tibetan. The other member of our household is my mother, who is 90.

A few weeks ago, China’s political police asked my wife to leave Beijing because “18th Major,” a once-in-a-decade coronation of new party leaders, was on the way. The Communist Party views Tibetans and Uighur Muslims from western China as noxious. They are constantly under suspicion as troublemakers, if not terrorists. My wife, as it happens, is petite, as lacking in guile as a window pane, and about as far from a terrorist as one could get.

She has, however, written some words in protest of the fate of her fellow Tibetans. And for this, the party has put her on a blacklist, barred her from publishing, deprived her of her job, and denied her a passport. When she obeyed the recent order and headed home to Tibet, police officers along the way stopped and searched her at nearly every juncture. While Chinese people — on airplanes, trains, buses and motorcycles — are streaming into and out of Tibet by the thousands, Tibetans themselves have become outsiders in their own land, blocked at every turn.

My wife finally did make it to Lhasa, the Tibetan capital, but only because State Security in Beijing had ordered the Tibetan police to allow her to enter for the sake of “18th Major.” After all, this is priority No. 1 these days.

Then, on Oct. 24, State Security officers visited my home again. This time it was me they wanted out of Beijing. They left it to me to guess why the party saw me as a threat. I write fiction, and have also written two books on national minorities in China, with the goal of increasing mutual understanding among China’s ethnic groups. Does such writing displease the party? I suppose it does. A Uighur professor who teaches in Beijing had invited me to his home to observe Id al-Adha, an important Muslim holiday, with some of his Uighur friends. But State Security forbade me to attend, and, to be sure that I didn’t, they posted round-the-clock guards outside my door.

None of this involved any legal procedures. When I asked the guards on what authority they stood at my door, they said nothing and pointed upward. We all knew what that meant: “The ones up there, the party.” Meanwhile the Uighur professor was forced to cancel his gathering. The reason? “Eighteenth Major.”

The Communist Party has, for the sake of its own meeting, asked that my wife leave me and that I leave my elderly mother, who is too old to live without someone to care for her. Incidentally, she joined the Communist Party in 1947 (two years before the founding of the People’s Republic, and a time when joining was still dangerous) and did so in order to oppose the reigning Nationalist government, which she saw as “lacking humanity.”

Now, I want to ask her, “What do you think of the humanity of the Communist Party today?” but cannot bring myself to inflict on her the pain that the question would bring.

I have replied to State Security that a party conclave is no reason to disperse a family. They, in turn, threatened that if I refused to leave, things would become “uncomfortable” for me. They did not say how. I have decided to wait at home and see. What does a party that vows before the entire world that it follows the rule of law have in mind for my discomfort?

Wang Lixiong is a writer and novelist. This essay was translated by Perry Link from the Chinese.



我妻子因为十八大被要求离京

作者：王力雄 
来源：纽约时报中文网 

2012年11月14日

原标题：党的敌人

上周四，中国共产党第十八届全国代表大会开幕，简称“十八大”。我从不认为中共开会和我有什么关系，我不属于任何政党。我只是家住北京。我是一个作家，汉人；我妻子唯色也是作家，是藏人。家中还有我的母亲，年近九十。

几周以前，国保（中国的政治警察）要求我妻子离开北京，理由是十年一度新一代党领导人换届的“十八大”即将召开。对于党，藏人和维吾尔人属于最危险的人群。他们总是被怀疑成恐怖袭击者或麻烦制造者。我的妻子身材娇小，孩子一样单纯，无论如何无法和恐怖活动沾边。

只是因为她写了一些为藏人处境鸣不平的文字，党便把她列上黑名单，剥夺了她的工作，不允许她出版作品，也不给她护照。奇特的是，在回拉萨家乡的一路，因为我妻子的藏人身份，多次被警察拦截和搜查，不让前行，成百上千的汉人从她身边飞驰而过，随意进藏，飞机火车开车骑车络绎不绝，但是藏人却不能在西藏自由通行。

最终，因为“十八大”是在北京开，全国都得以此为先，才算由北京国保与西藏警方通融，允许我妻子进了拉萨，而没像其他外地藏人那样被遣返。

接着，10月24日，国保又来了。这一次他们要求我也离开北京。我不知道我对党的威胁在哪里？我写小说，也写了两本跟中国民族问题有关的书。我推动汉人与其他民族沟通，化解仇恨冲突，难道让党不高兴？看来的确如此。一位在北京教书的维吾尔教授曾邀我去他家，和他的几个维族朋友一起过古尔邦节——一个重要的穆斯林节日。但国保却不让我去。而且，为了确保我不会去，他们还派了警察在我家门口设岗，对我实行软禁。

这一切都没有任何法律程序。我问那些警察，谁给他们权力，让他们站在我家门口，他们什么也没说，只是手指向上指了指。我们都明白这是什么意思：“上面的人，党。”同样，那个维吾尔教授的节日聚会也被强令取消，理由照样是“十八大”。

中共为它自己开个会，先是让妻子离开我，然后又逼我离开母亲。我母亲年事已高，离不开人照料。无独有偶，她正是在1947年（中华人民共和国成立两年前，当时加入共产党还十分危险）加入的共产党，为的就是反抗当时执政的、在她看来是“没有人性的”国民党政府。

现在，我想问她，“你看今天共产党的人性怎么样？”但我不忍心我的问题给她带来痛苦。

我回答国保，没有理由党开会就得拆散我的家庭。至于国保威胁说，我拒绝离开北京会让我不舒服，我将等着看，一个向全世界信誓旦旦实行法治的党，会给我什么。

“Why Was Ngapo Jigme, Director of Radio Free Asia’s Tibetan Service, Suddenly Dismissed?” By Woeser

High Peaks Pure Earth has translated a blogpost written by Woeser on November 8, 2012 from her home in Lhasa and posted on her blog on November 9, 2012.

The recent sudden dismissal of the head of the Tibetan service of Washington D.C based Radio Free Asia (RFA) is the topic of Woeser’s blogpost. Despite this dramatic event taking place, Tibetan media has been silent on it so far. As Woeser mentions, she has been a regular contributor to Radio Free Asia, bothto the Tibetan service and the Mandarin service for several years now. 

Below Woeser’s post is a translation of a short biography of Ngapo Jigme as published on the Chinese pages of Wikipedia. Finally, for an article by Woeser on the death of Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, Ngapo Jigme’s father (Ngapo is the family name), see this link: http://highpeakspureearth.com/2010/ngapo-ngawang-jigme-the-death-of-an-historical-figure-by-woeser/

Mr. Ngapo Jigme at the Tibetan Service of Radio Free Asia

“Why Was Ngapo Jigme, Director of Radio Free Asia’s
Tibetan Service, Suddenly Dismissed?”
By Woeser

I was deeply taken by surprise and was shocked to learn that Mr. Ngapo Jigme, the director of Radio Free Asia’s Tibetan service was suddenly dismissed on November 1. As far as I know, Tibetan intellectuals, media professionals, Chinese intellectuals studying the Tibet issue and international Tibet Studies experts, who live abroad, have all expressed that they did not understand what happened and were very surprised.

In 1985 Mr. Ngapo Jigme left Tibet, and worked for His Holiness Dalai Lama and the International Campaign for Tibet. He also studied at the Department of Government and Foreign Affairs at University of Virginia. He is well versed in all three languages of Tibetan, Chinese and English, and he possesses the outstanding spirit of an independent intellectual. Since 1996 when the U.S. Congress approved to establish the Tibetan service of Radio Free Asia, he had become absolutely the right person for the job and shouldered the important task as the founder. At present, under the 16 year devoted leadership of Mr. Ngapo Jigme, the Tibetan service of RFA, with over 30 journalists and editors, has become an important Tibet-related media, which can be called a shining example in the world. But he was suddenly dismissed without any reasons being given.

I have heard when the person in charge announced the dismissal of Mr. Ngapo Jigme in the presence of the staff of the Tibetan service, he refused to give any reasons for the dismissal. Meanwhile, the security personnel of RFA were ordered to escort Mr. Ngapo Jigme out of the building, and the action itself is tantamount to banishing him from the building. Nobody can understand why Mr. Ngapo, who is upright and has been dedicated to his work, is treated with such humiliation after having worked conscientiously for the media and journalism for 16 years.

I once worked for the media within the system under Chinese Communist Party control, and I knew well the ways how autocratic power works. But it has never occurred to me that, in a democratic society, dismissing one from his post can be done in such an autocratic way as well. The reasons for for the dismissal were neither explained, nor was the character and dignity of the person concerned taken into account.

By the way, I was also dismissed. By coincidence, it also happened after I had worked for 16 years. But at the moment, should I take the opportunity to praise the way in which the Chinese Communist Party authorities dismissed me? It happened in the office of the Party Secretary of TAR Federation of Literary and Art Circles. Smiling, one Tibetan and one Han Chinese official said to me gently, “because of your attitude toward your work, we’ve decided to allow you to resign voluntarily.” At that time I refused to resign on my own initiative, and answered, “I won’t resign on my own initiative, it’s fine for you to dismiss me.” This was handled not so badly as they did not order the security guards of the work unit to escort me out of the building, while leading a big black dog on a leash.

Judging by this −−− viewed from the fact that the person in charge did not give the reasons for the dismissal of Mr. Ngapo, comparatively speaking, the officials of CCP are more frank and honest. On one occasion 8 years ago, they clearly told me that the reason for them to deprive me of my position as the Editor for the journal Tibetan Literature was because I wrote a book and committed “very grave political mistakes.” At the time, the Deputy Director of the General Administration of Press and Publications gave the following explanation: “[The book] takes such serious political standpoints as praising the 14th Dalai Lama and the 17th Karmapa, and believing in and propagating religion, and the viewpoints [expressed in it] are erroneous. Some compositions, in a certain degree, have already entered into a certain political mistakes…” See, the CCP officials even made their reasons for dismissing me public.

As a listener of the Tibetan service of RFA for many years and also as a columnist who has written for RFA for the past six years, I know well how valuable the free and open platform for speech provided by the Tibetan service of RFA is. While it reports the news about the situation in Tibetan areas in China and Tibetan communities abroad in a timely fashion and truthfully, it upholds the values of an independent, balanced and pluralistic media, and adheres to the principle of freedom of speech and the impartiality of news. It also presents various voices so as to enable a variety of views to be expressed.The reason why the Tibetan service of

RFA has had great influence in Tibetan areas in China is precisely the result of the principle upheld by Mr. Ngapo over the past 16 years. I don’t know whether this is exactly the reason why he was dismissed, and one can only speculate about this. Because if it is the case, then this should be considered as dubious and a disgrace in a democratic society.

His Holiness Dalai Lama has repeatedly emphasized the importance of the truth, and the basis of truth relies on precisely the freedom of journalism. Just as His Holiness stated, “Unfortunately, in certain places in the world, news reports are generally censored and distorted,” and “vigorous censoring of news is immoral.” The autocratic regimes attempting to monopolize truth have always tried every means to control information and to hide the truth. The media under CCP control has always had only one voice, and the media serves as the mouthpiece and propaganda tools for the party. Thus, free media abroad is the irreplaceable channel for Tibetans inside Tibet to gain access to information and truth. In the struggle against autocracy, what we need to guard against the most is exactly using autocratic means to combat autocracy. If anybody wants to change the open and pluralistic Tibetan service of RFA into a propaganda tool and mouthpiece, then, the service will not only lose its current influence, but also seriously undermine the image of His Holiness Dalai Lama and obstruct the democratic process in Tibetan exile communities.

Thus, Radio Free Asia should clearly explain their reasons for dismissing Mr. Ngapo. This is not a personal issue for Mr. Ngapo alone, in reality, this has caused people from all circles to worry about the future of the Tibetan service of RFA. One will also be concerned with the negative impact it has for campaigns for Tibet abroad and the perplexity it has caused for people in Tibetan areas in China, in particular, at the juncture when the current situation in Tibet has never been so severe.

Finally, I would like to express my greatest admiration for and pay my respects to Mr. Ngapo −−− thank you for leading the Tibetan service of RFA for the past 16 years. While the service has provided truthful news for Tibetan listeners and has reported the serious situation in Tibet to the outside world, it has also shown the value of the principle of impartiality of news, balanced news reporting, the supervision of public opinion etc. Mr. Ngapo has made a great contribution to the success of the service, and indeed his achievements are great. I would like to say to you that justice is in the hearts of people, and history will always be restored to its original condition. And all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas will see all the truth, the false, the good and the evil.

November 8, 2012, Lhasa

Biography of Ngapo Jigme taken from the Chinese pages of Wikipedia

Ngapo Jigme (1951-): the son of Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, born in Lhasa, Tibet. In 1959 he was transferred to the elementary school attached to the Central Institute for Nationalities in Beijing, and in 1964 he went to study in No. 4 Middle School in Beijing. In 1968 he went to live and work in the Left Banner of Tumed in Inner Mongolia. As a member of the first group of worker-peasant-soldier students, in 1972 he went to study at the Foreign Languages Department, Inner Mongolia Normal College, and upon graduation, he taught at the Lhasa Middle School and Tibet Teacher’s College. In 1978 he was admitted into the Research Institute of the Central Institute for Nationalities in Beijing, and received his M.A. in 1982. Upon graduation, he became the assistant research fellow of Tibet Institute at Central Institute for Nationalities. In 1985 he went abroad on a visit, and in 1987 he studied at Department of Government and Foreign Affairs at University of Virginia. In 1990 he worked at the International Campaign for Tibet. In 1996, Ngapo Jigme became the director of the Tibetan service of Radio Free Asia. Ngapo Jigme’s views on the Tibet issue are different from those of the Chinese Communist Party or Tibetan government in exile.

This post is also available in: Chinese (Simplified)

【唯色注：这篇英文译文转自high peaks pure earth（高峰净土）网站，感谢翻译。】

“她用身体供养，是为了全体藏人……”——丹珍措父亲忆述自焚牺牲的女儿

在牧场上放牧的丹珍措，脸上留下阳光照晒的痕迹。

“她用身体供养，是为了全体藏人……”——丹珍措父亲忆述自焚牺牲的女儿

记录：热贡藏人
译者：桑杰嘉（并致谢Stephen Dorjee）
来源：khabdha.org/?p=36113等藏文网站、Tsering Kyi的脸书。

“阿爸，我们藏人真难啊，连嘉瓦仁波切的法像都不能供养了，真的没有自由啊……”——丹珍措遗言。

几天前，在西藏安多热贡（今青海省黄南藏族自治州同仁县）多哇乡卓荣布村，23岁的牧女丹珍措（Tamding Tso）自焚牺牲。四面八方的藏人赶往她的家，向遗体敬献哈达、点酥油供灯，以表示怀念和崇敬，认为她是一位英雄和烈士。丹珍措有父母双亲，弟弟和儿子。藏人们与她50岁的父亲达尊嘉交谈。这位英雄女儿的父亲说：

“我女儿今年23岁，叫丹珍措，她有一个儿子叫宁先次仁（Nyingsham Tsering），今年七岁。我女儿跟一般的人不一样，她平时非常关心、担忧西藏的问题。她用身体供养，是为了全体藏人，绝对不是因为家庭矛盾和其他问题。

“她产生这样的想法，主要原因是，前不久，我和女儿骑着摩托车去了多哇乡上。那天，热贡（同仁县）新的县委书记蒋树成在多哇乡上制定了一个政策：禁止商店出售嘉瓦仁波切（尊者达赖喇嘛）的法像，也禁止在家里供奉嘉瓦仁波切法像；在乡政府门口还贴出了反对‘分裂’等标语，并且他们还组织一些人在大街上游行，高呼口号。当时我女儿的表情就变了，她非常悲伤，不住地说：‘阿爸，我们藏人真难啊，连嘉瓦仁波切的法像都不能供养了，真的没有自由啊……’当天晚上，她回到家里后又说：‘阿爸，我们藏人真难啊，连嘉瓦仁波切的法像都不能供养的话，那是真的没有自由了……’她重复了多次，从此她开始吃素，而且禁食斋戒多次。我作为父亲，非常担忧她的身体，劝她吃点肉，她没有同意。她还对我说：‘阿爸，我要去热贡隆务。’但是，我考虑到冬天来了，家里有很多的事要做，就没有答应。

“11月7号那天，只有她和弟弟在家，等她的弟弟赶着牛羊上山后，她把里里外外打扫得干干净净，又在佛堂里嘉瓦仁波切的法像前供奉了净水和酥油灯，做了很长时间的虔诚祈祷。然后，她从停放在院子里的摩托车油箱里，取出了汽油，在不远的改麻塘点燃了身体，做了供养。

“她是我最心疼的女儿，从她出生到今天，我从来也没有打过她。我也从来没有干涉过她的婚姻，都是她自愿的。所以，当她这么突然离世，我感觉就像是把我的心从胸膛里挖了出去。但是，她这样的选择，是为了全体藏人，是为了嘉瓦仁波切和班禅仁波切尽快回到自己的法座。

“我也没有多想前前后后的事情，我始终支持她。所以我要恳求你们，要为实现她的心愿多做努力和祈祷。祈祷我的女儿，投生到政治、宗教完全自由的雪域西藏，能见到嘉瓦仁波切的尊容，听到嘉瓦仁波切的法音。

“感谢乡亲，同胞。”

同仁县当局近期发布的《同仁县兰采乡寺院目标管理责任书》七条规定： 1、坚决维护中国共产党的领导。2、要按州县有关文件规定实施宗教管理事宜。3、要始终坚持学习有关宗教常识。4、维护祖国统一，反对达赖集团的渗透。5、杜绝寺院内摆设达赖相片。6、要按有关法规，加强寺院内部管理。7、坚决杜绝未成年儿童出家为僧。

同仁县文化市场管理领导小组办公室于9月17日通知：“各文化经营单位严禁销售十四世达赖照片及煽动分裂国家、宣扬‘藏独’淫秽色情及低俗的音像制品，图片、图书、文字、挂件等……”

补充（唯色记录：77位自焚藏人简况）——

昨天，11月12日，在安多热贡（今青海省黄南藏族自治州同仁县），又有两位藏人自焚牺牲。

一位是多哇乡24岁牧人娘尕扎西，在这天下午三点多，在当地自焚牺牲，并呼唤“祈愿达赖喇嘛永久住世”。娘尕扎西有父母双亲和妻子。

一位是多哇乡20岁牧人娘吉本，在这天傍晚七点多，在乡政府前自焚牺牲。很多民众目睹他的自焚，并将他的遗体送往火葬台进行了火化，僧俗民众为他祈福。娘吉本有父母双亲。

仅在青海省黄南藏族自治州同仁县此地，就有7位藏人自焚牺牲：2012年3月14日自焚的隆务寺僧人加央华旦；2012年3月17日自焚的年都乎乡夏卜浪村农民索南达杰；2012年11月4日自焚的年都乎乡唐卡画师多吉楞珠；2012年11月7日自焚的多哇乡牧女丹珍措；2012年11月8日自焚的多哇乡牧民格桑金巴；2012年11月12日自焚的多哇乡牧民娘尕扎西和娘吉本。

仅在同仁县多哇乡，就有4位藏人自焚牺牲：2012年11月7日自焚的多哇乡牧女丹珍措；2012年11月8日自焚的多哇乡牧民格桑金巴；2012年11月12日自焚的多哇乡牧民娘尕扎西和娘吉本。

而从2009年2月27日至2012年11月12日，在境内藏地有74位境内藏人自焚，在境外有3位流亡藏人自焚，共77位藏人自焚，包括10位女性，已知其中62人牺牲（境内61人，境外1人）。仅在2012年11月的9天之内（4日-12日），就有9位藏人自焚，其中11月7日在西藏自治区那曲地区比如县（属康那秀）白嘎乡，一位男性藏人自焚，但因当地被封锁，更多情况不详。

目前找到并已经披露的大概有18位自焚藏人（境内17人，境外1人）留下遗言、写下遗书或录音遗嘱，这都是至为宝贵的证据。

77位自焚藏人简况：

1、自焚时间以及自焚地点：

2009年1起自焚：2009年2月27日在四川省阿坝州阿坝县发生第1起。

2011年14起自焚（境内藏地12起，境外2起）：2011年在四川省阿坝州阿坝县发生8起、在四川省甘孜州的道孚县和甘孜县发生3起、在西藏自治区昌都县发生1起。并且，2011年11月在印度新德里发生1起、在尼泊尔加德满都发生1起。

2012年1-11月，62起自焚（境内藏地61起，境外1起）：1月——在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县发生3起，在青海省果洛藏族自治州达日县发生1起。2月——在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县发生3起，在青海省玉树藏族自治州称多县发生1起，在青海省海西蒙古族藏族自治州天峻县发生1起，在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州壤塘县发生1起。3月——在甘肃省甘南藏族自治州玛曲县发生1起，在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县发生5起，在青海省黄南藏族自治州同仁县发生2起，在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州马尔康县发生2起。并且，3月在印度新德里发生1起。4月——在四川省甘孜藏族自治州康定县发生2起，在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州壤塘县发生2起。5月——在拉萨大昭寺前发生2起，在四川省阿坝自治州壤塘县发生1起。6月——在青海省黄南藏族自治州尖扎县发生1起，在青海省玉树藏族自治州称多县发生2起，在青海省玉树藏族自治州玉树县发生1起。7月——在西藏自治区拉萨市当雄县发生1起，在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州马尔康县发生1起。8月——在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县发生6起，在甘肃省甘南藏族自治州州府合作市发生1起。9月——在青海省玉树藏族自治州杂多县发生1起。10月——在西藏自治区那曲地区那曲县发生1起，在甘肃省甘南藏族自治州合作市发生2起，在甘肃省甘南藏族自治州夏河县发生5起，在西藏自治区那曲地区比如县发生2起。11月——在青海省黄南藏族自治州同仁县发生5起；在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县发生3起；在西藏自治区那曲地区比如县发生1起，在甘肃省甘南藏族自治州合作市发生1起。

2、自焚者籍贯（包括3位流亡藏人的籍贯，其中两位原籍在境内康地，另一位出生在印度流亡藏人社区）：

按照图伯特传统地理：安多55位，康16位，嘉戎3位，羌塘1位，卫藏1位。

其籍贯按照今中国行政区划：四川省藏区44位（阿坝州阿坝县30位、壤塘县4位、马尔康县3位；甘孜州甘孜县2位、道孚县3位、康定县2位）；青海省藏区13位（果洛州达日县1位；玉树州称多县2位、玉树县1位；海西州天峻县1位；黄南州同仁县7位、尖扎县1位）；甘肃省藏区11位（甘南州玛曲县1位、夏河县6位、合作市4位）；西藏自治区7位（昌都地区昌都县2位；日喀则地区聂拉木县1位；拉萨市当雄县1位；那曲地区比如县4位）。

3、自焚者性别、年龄及身份：

男性67位，女性10位。

最年长的为64岁，最年轻的是15岁。

僧尼：2位朱古（Rinpoche，活佛），24位普通僧人，4位尼师。这当中大多为格鲁派僧人，1位原为噶举派僧人，2位是宁玛派僧尼；需要说明的是，在安多壤塘自焚的4位藏人，属觉囊派所在地区。

农牧民：36位。有些人曾有出家为僧的经历，但多人属被当局工作组驱除出寺，也有人属还俗离寺。有两位是一个孩子的父亲，有四位是两个孩子的父亲，有一位是三个孩子的父亲，有一位是一个孩子的母亲，有一位是两个孩子的母亲，有两位是三个孩子的母亲，有一位是著名仁波切的外祖父。

其他：1位女中学生；2位男学生；2位在拉萨的打工者；1位在康区的打工者；1位小生意人并是两个孩子的母亲；1位网络作家；1位唐卡画师并是两个孩子的父亲。

还有两位是流亡藏人中的俗人。

4、自焚者状况：

77位自焚的境内、境外藏人中，已知62人牺牲（境内61人，境外1人），其中40人当场牺牲，20人被军警强行带走之后身亡，1人在印度新德里医院重伤不治而亡，1人在寺院治疗六个多月后牺牲。另有12人在当局手中，3人已身残，却被禁止家人探访和照顾，他们是：2009年2月27日自焚的格尔登寺僧人扎白、2011年9月26日自焚的格尔登寺僧人洛桑贡确、2012年2月8日自焚的玉树州称多县拉布寺僧人索南热央；9人下落不明、生死不明，他们是：2011年9月26日的格尔登寺僧人洛桑格桑、2011年10月3日自焚的格尔登寺僧人格桑旺久、2012年2月13日自焚的格尔登寺僧人洛桑嘉措、2012年5月27日自焚的阿坝人达吉、2012年6月27日自焚的玉树妇女德吉曲宗、2012年9月29日自焚的昌都嘎玛区人永仲、2012年10月25日自焚的比如人丹增、2012年11月7日自焚的阿坝果芒寺僧人桑珠和多吉嘉。

两位境外的流亡藏人在自焚后获得救治，已伤愈。

两位境内藏人（甘孜寺僧人达瓦次仁和隆务寺僧人加央华旦）在自焚后，先是被藏人僧俗送到医院，后又从医院接回寺院，由藏人们自己照顾、救治，出于担心自焚者被军警从医院强行带走，一去不归。据悉，目前达瓦次仁在艰难恢复中，但落下残疾，生活困难。加央华旦本来在恢复中，但他决意赴死，绝食一周多，于自焚六个多月后牺牲。