发帖者 Tsering Woeser 时间： 10:36
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香港九龙:广东和香港人念Hong Kong Kowloon.汉语普通话=Xiang Gang Jiu Long发音差别很大.我在北京见过一个汉人,他生在兰州,长在西安,祖籍是广东,但他听不懂,也不会说广东话.
我们叫Rgya Gar,Rgya Dkar印度和印度人为"加噶",因为他们崇尚白色,到处是穿白色衣服的人."加"是大的意思,"噶"白色.
我们叫Rgya Nag汉人和汉族地方为"加纳",因为他们最大的特点是,浑身穿黑衣服,吃饭的大碗也是黑色的."加"是大,"纳"是黑色.中国人崇尚黑颜色. 我在汉地参加过劳动,每天和农民一起吃饭，用的就是黑大碗.
A Voice of Tibetans in Tibet回复删除
Independence is not the ultimate goal of the Tibet Movement
The latest talk between the central government and the representative of the Dalai Lama ended early this month with officials from the United Front blaming the Dalai Lama for the failure of the talk because, according to these Chinese officials, the Dalai Lama’s ultimate goal is to achieve the independence of Tibet. However, even many ethnic Chinese intellectuals have pointed out that it is precisely the CCP regime that promotes separation of Tibet from PRC because the ultimate goal of the Tibet Movement is not seeking territorial independence. Rather, it is to protect Tibetan culture and language: not let the Tibetan nation become the second Indians of America and Manchu of China, a loss not only to the Tibetan people alone, but also a great loss to the whole world from a cultural diversity perspective. They argue that by not accepting the Middle-Way Approach repeatedly advocated by the Dalai Lama, which seeks genuine autonomy of Tibetan areas in PRC under the framework of the Constitute of the PRC, which would help protect and promote Tibetan culture and language, the CCP regime in fact helps radical Tibetan nationalists replace the Dalai Lama’s Middle-Way-Approach with their approach that aims to seek the independence of Tibet though whether they can achieve it in the near future is another issue.
Today a special meeting will be convened in India as a forum to understand the real opinions and views of the Tibetan people through the representatives of overseas Tibetans from all walks of life though the meeting might not reach a particular outcome regarding an alternative approach immediately. The CCP regime commented (on Wednesday) that the meeting would not get nowhere because the participants would not represent the views of most Tibetans. I agree that because the majority of Tibetan people live inside Tibet our voices cannot be physically heard at the meeting. But the CCP regime has never given us a platform for our viewpoints! I think the most important thing that this special meeting can produce is to create a mechanism for bringing Tibetans inside and outside together, not letting the Tibetan spirit be lost during the process of our struggle with the CCP regime and keeping the Tibet Issue alive until it is resolved!
In my opinion that the Law on Ethnic Regional Autonomy remains on paper is one of the key factors contributing to the unhappiness of Tibetans with the status quo. In Nunavut in north Canada, Inuktitut, the native language of Inuit, is the working language in Nunavut Territory (in the Legislative Assembly and the Hamlet Council). In Tibet Chinese is the de facto official working language above township level (now there is a trend that more Chinese is used even in township government documents) though the law says Tibetan should be the primary working language in Tibet.
Finally, I believe that the Tibet Movement will ultimately contribute to and become a part of the democratic movement in China because we struggle for our basic rights promised in the Constitute of the PRC and the Law on Ethnic Regional Autonomy and outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. So the Chinese people should have every reason to support us!
全文英文版 (博讯 boxun.com)
SUMMARY OF THE MEMORANDUM ON GENUINE AUTONOMY FOR THE TIBETAN PEOPLE
During the seventh round of talks in Beijing on 1 and 2 July 2008, the Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and the Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Du Qinglin, explicitly invited suggestions from His Holiness the Dalai Lama for the stability and development of Tibet. The Executive Vice Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Zhu Weiqun, further said they would like to hear our views on the degree or form of autonomy we are seeking as well as on all aspects of regional autonomy within the scope of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China (PRC).
Accordingly, during the recent eighth round of talks we presented the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People to the vice Chairman, Mr. Du Qinglin and held extensive discussions with our Chinese counterparts on November 4th and 5th in Beijing.
In recent days the Central United Front Work Department of the Chinese Communist Party has issued statements about our talks in Beijing and in particular about the content of the memorandum we have presented to them. These Chinese statements distort the position and proposal we have outlined in our paper. In order to enable the public, concerned governments, parliamentarians, non-governmental organisations and individuals to gain a comprehensive and full understanding of the Tibetan position on genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people, we are releasing today the memorandum.
Our memorandum puts forth our position on genuine autonomy and how the specific needs of the Tibetan nationality for autonomy and self-government can be met through application of the principles on autonomy of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, as we understand them. On this basis, His Holiness the Dalai Lama felt confident that the basic needs of the Tibetan nationality can be met through genuine autonomy within the PRC.
SUMMARY OF THE MEMORANDUM
The Constitution of the PRC contains fundamental principles on autonomy and self-government whose objectives are compatible with the needs and aspirations of the Tibetans. Regional national autonomy is aimed at opposing both the oppression and the separation of nationalities by rejecting both Han chauvinism and local nationalism. It is intended to ensure the protection of the culture and the identity of minority nationalities by empowering them to become masters of their own affairs.
To a very considerable extent Tibetan needs can be met within the constitutional principles on autonomy. On several points, the Constitution gives significant discretionary powers to state organs in decision-making and on the operation of the system of autonomy. These discretionary powers can be exercised to facilitate genuine autonomy for Tibetans in ways that would respond to the uniqueness of the Tibetan situation. Given good will on both sides, outstanding problems can be resolved within the constitutional principles on autonomy. In this way national unity and stability and harmonious relations between the Tibetan and other nationalities will be established.
Tibetans have a rich and distinct history, culture and spiritual tradition all of which form valuable parts of the heritage of humanity. Not only do Tibetans wish to preserve their own heritage, which they cherish, but equally they wish to further develop their culture and spiritual life and knowledge in ways that are particularly suited to the needs and conditions of humanity in the 21st century.
As a part of the multi-national state of the PRC, Tibetans can benefit greatly from the rapid economic and scientific development the country is experiencing. While wanting to actively participate and contribute to this development, we want to ensure that this happens without the people losing their Tibetan identity, culture and core values and without putting the distinct and fragile environment of the Tibetan plateau, to which Tibetans are indigenous, at risk.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s commitment to seek a solution for the Tibetan people within the PRC is clear and unambiguous. This position is in full compliance and agreement with paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's statement in which he emphasised that except for independence all other issues could be resolved through dialogue. Whereas, we are committed, therefore, to fully respect the territorial integrity of the PRC, we expect the Central Government to recognise and fully respect the integrity of the Tibetan nationality and its right to exercise genuine autonomy within the PRC. We believe that this is the basis for resolving the differences between us and promoting unity, stability and harmony among nationalities.
BASIC NEEDS OF TIBETANS
Subject Matters of Self-government
5) Environmental Protection
6) Utilisation of Natural Resources
7) Economic Development and Trade
8) Public health
9) Public Security
10) Regulation on population migration
11) Cultural, educational and religious exchanges with other countries
RESPECT FOR THE INTEGRITY OF THE TIBETAN NATIONALITY
Tibetans belong to one minority nationality regardless of the current administrative divisions. The integrity of the Tibetan nationality must be respected. That is the spirit, the intent and the principle underlying the constitutional concept of national regional autonomy as well as the principle of equality of nationalities.
There is no dispute about the fact that Tibetans share the same language, culture, spiritual tradition, core values and customs, that they belong to the same ethnic group and that they have a strong sense of common identity. Tibetans share a common history and despite periods of political or administrative divisions, Tibetans continuously remained united by their religion, culture, education, language, way of life and by their unique high plateau environment.
The Tibetan nationality lives in one contiguous area on the Tibetan plateau, which they have inhabited for millennia and to which they are therefore indigenous. For purposes of the constitutional principles of national regional autonomy Tibetans in the PRC in fact live as a single nationality all over the Tibetan plateau.
In order for the Tibetan nationality to develop and flourish with its distinct identity, culture and spiritual tradition through the exercise of self-government on the above mentioned basic Tibetan needs, the entire community, comprising all the areas currently designated by the PRC as Tibetan autonomous areas, should be under one single administrative entity. The current administrative divisions, by which Tibetan communities are ruled and administered under different provinces and regions of the PRC, foments fragmentation, promotes unequal development, and weakens the ability of the Tibetan nationality to protect and promote its common cultural, spiritual and ethnic identity. Rather than respecting the integrity of the nationality, this policy promotes its fragmentation and disregards the spirit of autonomy.
THE NATURE AND STRUCTURE OF THE AUTONOMY
The exercise of genuine autonomy would include the right of Tibetans to create their own regional government and government institutions and processes that are best suited to their needs and characteristics. It would require that the People’s Congress of the autonomous region have the power to legislate on all matters within the competencies of the region and that other organs of the autonomous government have the power to execute and administer decisions autonomously. Autonomy also entails representation and meaningful participation in national decision-making in the Central Government. Processes for effective consultation and close cooperation or joint decision-making between the Central Government and the regional government on areas of common interest also need to be in place for the autonomy to be effective.
A crucial element of genuine autonomy is the guarantee the Constitution or other laws provide that powers and responsibilities allocated to the autonomous region cannot be unilaterally abrogated or changed. This means that neither the Central Government nor the autonomous region’s government should be able, without the consent of the other, to change the basic features of the autonomy.
Implementation of genuine autonomy, for example, requires clear divisions of powers and responsibilities between the Central Government and the government of the autonomous region with respect to subject matter competency. Currently there is no such clarity and the scope of legislative powers of autonomous regions is both uncertain and severely restricted. Thus, whereas the Constitution intends to recognise the special need for autonomous regions to legislate on many matters that affect them, the requirements of Article 116 for prior approval at the highest level of the Central Government - by the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress (NPC) - inhibit the implementation of this principle of autonomy. In reality, it is only autonomous regional congresses that expressly require such approval, while the congresses of ordinary (not autonomous) provinces of the PRC do not need prior permission and merely report the passage of regulations to the Standing Committee of the NPC “for the record” (Article 100).
The exercise of autonomy is further subject to a considerable number of laws and regulations, according to Article 115 of the Constitution. Certain laws effectively restrict the autonomy of the autonomous region, while others are not always consistent with one another. The result is that the exact scope of the autonomy is unclear and is not fixed, since it is unilaterally changed with the enactment of laws and regulations at higher levels of the state, and even by changes in policy. There is also no adequate process for consultation or for settling differences that arise between the organs of the Central Government and of the regional government with respect to the scope and exercise of autonomy. In practice, the resulting uncertainty limits the initiative of regional authorities and impedes the exercise of genuine autonomy by Tibetans today.
Dharamsala, 16 Nov. 2008