圖伯特當下發生多起悲劇事件,因此,全世界各地的高等學府裏研究藏學的學者,希望透過寫請願信的方式,表達他們對此事的關切。目前有80位藏學家联署。本請願書现仍在國際藏學界的學者之間傳閱,募集簽名:
http://www.petitions24.net/an_appeal_to_president_xi_jinping_from_the_tibetologist_community
國際藏學界致中國國家副主席習近平的請願書
敬致習近平副主席:
2013年3月,您將於就任中華人民共和國國家主席,藉由這個機會,我們這群國際藏學界的學人,想向您表達我們對於西藏自區與鄰省的藏區的藏語文教學之深切關注。
過去數十年裏,藏族地區建立了許多學校,我們對此深感欣慰。我們明白孩子們如果能使用自己的母語學習,往往事半功倍,好處多多。
然而過去幾年來,多個藏族地區實施新政策,開始禁止或嚴格限制學校裏面使用藏語文來教學,例如2010年青海省宣布以普通話取代藏語作為上課的語言;2012年3月,我們在青海省同仁縣,見到了中文教課書取代了原來的藏文教科書。這樣的發展對於兒童的學習是不利的,尤其是世界各國的研究以及中國內部的統計資料都顯示,孩子們使用母語來學習數理科學,課業才容易有長足的進步。
雖然如此,上述的語言政策在西藏自治區已經實施了好幾年,使得許多將來想要在政府或企業工作的好學生,反而對自己的語言與文化產生了隔閡與生疏之感。
自從《青海省中長期教育改革和發展規劃綱要》出台以來,青海的藏族人士一再透過和平的示威活動與遞交請願書等方式,表達他們對於新語言政策的反對。他們強烈地表達出學校裏面應該使用藏語文來教學與溝通的願望。這當然不代表藏族不願意學習中文,事實上藏人都明白中文在經濟上與文化上的重要性。然而,藏族人士的要求與《中華人民共和國憲法》第四條的條文是相吻合的:各民族都有使用和發展自己語言文字的自由,都有保持或改革自己的風俗習慣的自由。更何況,根據2002年西藏自治區出台的一個規定,藏語文擁有中國的官方語言的地位。我們遺憾的是,在實踐時,該地位並不總是獲得認可與尊重。
過去兩年以來,數十位不分男女僧俗老幼的藏族人士,以自焚的方式明志,其中好幾位呼喊著藏族語言文化應受尊重的口號。
作為專門研究西藏語言、文化與宗教的學者,我們想透過這封信向您表達,對於各種阻礙西藏文明傳承與延續的措施,我們憂心忡忡。我們想提醒您,西藏文明不僅是人類文明的瑰寶,也是中國政府明言保護的文化資產。我們還想提醒您,在中華人民共和國境內,藏語文是僅次於中文的古老語言,它經過千年連續使用而保留下來的豐富遺產,不僅可以幫助我們理解與重建古老的漢藏語系,讓我們明白,漢藏語系其實媲美印歐語系,也包含了數百種錯綜複雜的語言與方言。
我們的工作讓我們成為西方大學與高等學府裏面的研究人員,我們明白,西藏語文是西藏文明的基石,然而當西藏語文在世界各國的學術殿堂裏漸漸受到矚目,成為教學與研究的學科之際,我們卻看到今日的西藏自治區與許多藏族自治州裏,西藏語文愈來愈不受重視,愈來愈被邊緣化,我們非常遺憾。而藏族人民面對新出台的教育政策,自然會憂慮他們的文化即將消失,然而中國政府對他們的回應,不足以紓解他們的憂慮。
這就是為什麼在中國新的領導人上台之際,我們這群藏學家一起寫了這封信,希望您同情理解藏族人民的願望,希望您聆聽採用他們的意見,為當前的危機找出和平的解決方法,以促進西藏語言與文化的發展。我們相信,您只要採用中華人民共和國憲法歷經多次修定,卻一再標榜的多民族國家原則,藏族的語言與文化一定可以繼續跟漢族的語言與文化和諧共存。
An Appeal to Vice-President Xi
Jinping from the International Tibetan Studies Community
Dear
Mr Vice-President,
As
you will be assuming your new role as President of the People’s Republic of
China in March 2013, the scientific community of Tibetologists would like to express to you its deep
concern about the state of the Tibetan language in the Tibet Autonomous Region and in the Tibetan autonomous prefectures in neighboring provinces.
We know that many schools
have been established in Tibetan areas
over the last several decades, and
we are delighted at that development. We
also appreciate the benefits that schoolchildren can have from being educated in
their own language.
However, over the last several
years, the authorities have been trying to institute new measures that eliminate
or severely restrict the use of Tibetan as the language of instruction in Tibetan-speaking areas,
such as the replacement of Tibetan
by Chinese as the medium of education
(announced in Qinghai
in 2010) and the replacement of
textbooks written in Tibetan by Chinese textbooks
—as was seen in Rebkong
(Chin: Tongren) in March 2012. These developments have taken place despite the fact that worldwide
research on this topic as well as official Chinese statistics have shown that students perform
better when they are studying
scientific subjects in their own
language.
This policy has already been
active in the Tibet Autonomous Region
for several years and has led to well-known results:
students destined for senior positions in
the public or private sectors now have only a superficial knowledge of their own language
and civilization.
The Tibetan people of Qinghai
have repeatedly, through peaceful demonstrations by citizens, and through petitions
and letters, expressed their opposition to the new language policy, which is officially designated the ''Qinghai Province
Mid- and Long-Term Plan for Educational Reform and Development (2010-2020)." They have made known their strong desire to
preserve their language as the medium of instruction and communication in their schools, which does not mean in
any sense that they are not willing to learn Chinese. They generally
acknowledge the economic and cultural significance of the Chinese language. Such requests are consistent with
the Chinese Constitution which specifies
in Article 4 that all nationalities have the freedom to use and
develop their own spoken and written languages and to preserve or reform their
own folkways and customs. Moreover, according to the decree of 2002, in the Tibet Autonomous
Region, the Tibetan language has the
status of an official language in China,
though that status does not always seem to be reflected in practice.
Dozens of Tibetans of all
ages, men and women, religious
and lay, have committed acts of self-immolation over the
last few years. Several of them have shouted slogans demanding respect for the language and culture of Tibet.
As specialists in the areas of Tibetan language, culture and religion, we
would like to share with you, through this letter, our own concerns about the
various measures that jeopardize the continuing viability of this civilization,
a civilization that is one of the treasures of humanity and for which the
Chinese government has clearly stated its responsibility. We would like to
remind you that in China the Tibetan language is, after Chinese, one of oldest
continually-used languages, and has also contributed to the understanding and
reconstruction of the ancient Sino-Tibetan family, a family that, like
Indo-European, contains many hundreds of languages.
Our work has led
us to pursue our professional and intellectual lives within the structures of universities
and institution of higher education. We know the value of Tibet’s civilization
and we regret that the Tibetan language, which is its fundamental support, is seemingly
marginalized and devalued in the TAR and in various other Tibetan autonomous administrative
units at the same time that it is increasingly being taught and studied in
universities around the world. The responses of the authorities to the demands
of Tibetans who are naturally worried about the disappearance of their culture have
not assuaged their deep concerns about the situation.
This is why, at the time when
new leadership is taking control of the
country, we address you collectively
with the hope that you will be sympathetic to the aspirations of Tibetan
citizens of China; that you will work with them
to find peaceful solutions to this crisis that will allow for
the promotion and development of Tibet’s language and culture. There is no
reason why the Tibetan language and culture cannot coexist
peacefully with the Chinese language and culture through the application
of the principles expressed in the successive constitutions of the
People’s Republic of China, which is constituted as a multicultural state.
1.
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EPHE, France
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2.
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Elliot Sperling
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Indiana University, USA
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3.
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Françoise Robin
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Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales,
France
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4.
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Jean-Luc Achard
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CNRS, France
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5.
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Gedun Rabsal
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Indiana University, USA
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6.
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Amy Heller
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SOAS, U.K. ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique,
France
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7.
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Mireille Helffer
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CNRS, France
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8.
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Nicolas Tournadre
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Aix-Marseille University, France
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9.
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Mona Schrempf
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Humboldt University, Germany
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10.
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Thierry Dodin
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Bonn University, Germany
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11.
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Carole McGranahan
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University of
Colorado, USA
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12.
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Pascale Dollfus
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CNRS, France
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13.
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Anne-Marie Blondeau
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EPHE, France
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14.
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Daniel Berounsky
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Charles University, Czeck
Republic
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15.
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Cameron Warner
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Aarhus
University, Denmark
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16.
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Nicolas Sihlé
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CNRS, France
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17.
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Philippe Cornu
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Université Catholique de Louvain,
Belgium; Institut National des
Langues et Civilisations Orientales, France
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18.
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Gray Tuttle
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Columbia University, USA
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19.
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Francoise Pommaret
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CNRS, France
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20.
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Georges Dreyfus
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Williams College, USA
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21.
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Gareth Sparham
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University of Walnut Creek, USA
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22.
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Klaus-Dieter Mathes
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University of Vienna, Austria
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23.
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Roberto Vitali
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Independent Scholar
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24.
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Helmut Tauscher
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University of Vienna, Austria
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25.
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Fiona McConnell
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University of Cambridge, UK
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26.
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Robert Barnett
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Columbia University, USA
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27.
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Sonam Dugdak
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SOAS, UK
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28.
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Martin Mills
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University of Aberdeen, UK
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29.
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Dominique Townsend
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Columbia University, UK
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30.
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Mary Prude
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University of Wisconsin-Whitewater, USA
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31.
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Sienna Craig
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Dartmouth College, USA
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32.
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Charlene Makley
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Reed College, USA
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33.
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Gillian Tan
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Deakin University, Australia
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34.
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Yangdon Dhondup
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SOAS, UK
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35.
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Heather Stoddard
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Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales,
France;
Oriental Institute, UK
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36.
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George FitzHerbert
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Oxford University, UK
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37.
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Agata Bareja-Starzynska
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University of Warsaw, Poland
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38.
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Tsering Shakya
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University of British Columbia, Canada
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39.
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Tashi Tsering
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University of British Columbia, Canada
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40.
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Markus Viehbeck
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Heidelberg University, Germany
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41.
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Emily Yeh
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University of Colorado, USA
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42.
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Samten Karmay
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CNRS, France
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43.
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Robert Mayer
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Oxford University, UK
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44.
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Isabelle Henrion-Dourcy
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University of Laval, Canada
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45.
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Tibor Porcio
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University of Szeged, Hungary
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46.
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Cathy Cantwell
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University of Oxford, UK
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47.
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Alex McKay
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London University (retired), UK
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48.
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Benjamin Bogin
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Georgetown University, USA
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49.
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Petra Maurer
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Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Germany
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50.
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Michela Clemente
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Cambridge, UK
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51.
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Bruno Lainé
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Wien University, Austria
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52.
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Per Kvaerne
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Oslo University, Norway
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53.
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Maho Iuchi
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Harvard, USA; Kobe City University, Japan
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54.
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Elena De Rossi
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Università di Roma, Italy
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55.
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Geza Bethlenfalvy
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Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Hungary
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56.
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Mara Matta
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Università degli Studi di Napoli 'L'Orientale'
and Università di Roma 'La Sapienza', Italy
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57.
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Giuliana Martini
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Dharma Drum Buddhist College, Taiwan
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58.
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Fernand Meyer
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EPHE, France
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59.
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Wim van Spengen
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Amsterdam University, The Netherlands
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60.
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Janet Gyatso
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Harvard University, USA
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61.
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Nawang Thokmey
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University of Virginia, USA
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62.
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Tashi Nyima
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University of Oslo, Norway
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63.
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Jann Ronis
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University of California, Berkeley, USA
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64.
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Jose Cabezon
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University of California, Santa Barbara, USA
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65.
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Frank Korom
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Boston University, USA
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66.
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Christian Wedemeyer
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University of Chicago, USA
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67.
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Jay Garfield
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Smith College, USA
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68.
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Gregory Hillis
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University of California, Santa Barbara
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69.
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Guy Newland
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Central Michigan University, USA
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70.
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Francoise Wang
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CNRS, France
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71.
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Douglas Duckworth
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East Tennessee State University, USA
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72.
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Kevin Vose
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College of William and Mary Richmond, USA
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73.
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Peter Verhagen
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Leiden University, The
Netherlands
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74.
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Derek Maher
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East Carolina University, USA
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75.
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Jacob Dalton
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University of California, USA
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76.
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Karma Lekshe Tsomo
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San Diego University, USA
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77.
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Lara Braitstein
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McGill University, Canada
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78.
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Christian Luczanits
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USA
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79.
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Jim Blumenthal
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Oregon State University,
USA
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80.
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Paul Nietupski
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John Carrol University, USA
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【唯色注:80位国际藏学家秉持良知与勇气,联名签署的这份致中国国家副主席、中共中央总书记习近平的请愿书,让我想起四年前,即2008年3月27日,75位国际藏学家联名给中国主席胡锦涛写信,呼吁妥善解决西藏问题,严厉批评中国治藏政策。截至3月30日,有275位各国藏学家和学者签名,其内容见http://map.woeser.com/?action=show&id=419】
向他们致意 国际上支持藏人的人们团结一致用国际压力让中共作出让步 境内藏人需要你们
回复删除在当下藏人以最惨烈的自焚方式抗议中国政府的时刻,对国际藏学家发出这封不伦不类的呼吁书表示不解和失望。诚然,本人作为藏人,在这封呼吁书中提到的关于藏语言问题不仅完全同意、而且对这个问题有亲身感受。众所周知,涉及藏区的所有问题(包括在这封信中提到的藏语言问题)的根源是政治上的不自由,即藏人无权决定自己的命运。为此,藏人从近4年前的2009年年初开始以自焚方式表达不满和抗议。现在藏人最需要的是让中国政府反思其引起藏人自焚的高压政策。为此,国际社会对藏人自焚的关注会给中国施加压力。很不幸的是,近4年的藏人自焚在国际社会没有得到应该得到的关注。而这封不敢直面当下藏区最严重、最迫切的问题(即自焚)而对几十年来一直存在的问题(即藏语言问题)突然提出异议(虽然这个问题也非常重要)的呼吁书,其实质是汉人常说的“只见树木,不见森林”,其对中国政府的作用适得其反-藏人自焚进一步得不到应有的关注,对自焚的关注起到了喧宾夺主的作用。中国政府会偷着乐-“连这些最具资源捍卫正义的藏学家都不正视自焚,说明自焚在国际上没人理会。”我们注意到,海外不少藏学家为了能到藏区实地研究,在正义面前不敢得罪中国政府,用他们常人难以理解的学术包装来搪塞直接可以回答的问题、对显而易见的问题态度暧昧。本来,比起他们在藏区境内的同行,这些海外藏学家最具资源直面中国政府,呼吁其反思治藏政策。但非常遗憾,这个资源就这样白白浪费了。
回复删除-Changtangherder
“羌唐牧人”的逻辑有一点差了。国际藏学家抗议中共的语言政策,并不是说他们拥护中共于西藏境内的其他政策和措施!这样的片面性的分析真是脱靶了。按照你的逻辑,我们也应该说你怎么敢批评国际藏学家而不批评习近平?这显然是诡辩术。。中共在藏区实行的政策提供了无数的反抗目标。个人可以选择自己的。知道否?
回复删除Changtangherder:这封信写得非常好,请你再详细看看:他们说“這就是為什麼在中國新的領導人上台之際,我們這群藏學家一起寫了這封信,希望您同情理解藏族人民的願望,希望您聆聽採用他們的意見,為當前的危機找出和平的解決方法,以促進西藏語言與文化的發展。我們相信,您只要採用中華人民共和國憲法歷經多次修定,卻一再標榜的多民族國家原則,藏族的語言與文化一定可以繼續跟漢族的語言與文化和諧共存。” 已经概括了在图伯特的存在一切问题。有其是:“希望您聆聽採用他們的意見,為當前的危機找出和平的解決方法,以促進西藏語言與文化的發展。” 毛泽东是屠夫,邓小平是屠夫,江泽民是屠夫,胡锦涛是屠夫。六十三年了,难道习近平会继承他们业绩,继续当屠夫吗?
回复删除国际藏学界呼吁习近平保证藏语的传续
回复删除(博讯北京时间2012年12月08日 转载)
来源:法广中文网
●最近国际藏学界在习近平接任中共总书记之后,发起全球网络签名活动,呼吁习近平保护西藏语言文化,恢复在藏区采用藏文教学,以使人类文明的瑰宝藏语文化继续传承下去。
这封中、英、法文的请愿书表示,国际藏学界人士对中国藏区藏语现状深切关注。过去几年来,多个藏区禁止或严格限制学校里使用藏语教学,比如青海省同仁县,都以普通话取代了藏语作为上课的语言。而孩子们使用母语学习数理科学才容易有长足的进步。
这封信还表示,《中华人民共和国宪法》第四条规定:各民族都有使用和发展自己语言文字的自由,而且2002年西藏自治区还规定藏语拥有中国官方语言的地位。但遗憾的是,在实践中,这个地位并不总是获得认可与尊重。