2020年11月13日星期五

Red Guards in Tibet:Robert Barnett and Susan Chen talk to Tsering Woeser

Q&A

Red Guards in Tibet12 min read

Robert Barnett and Susan Chen talk to Tsering Woeser

EdIn her new book Forbidden Memory: Tibet During the Cultural Revolution, Tibetan author Tsering Woeser dissects the impacts of China’s Cultural Revolution on Tibet. In this interview the book’s editor, Robert Barnett, together with its translator Susan Chen, speak with Woeser about the English-language version of her book and the enduring significance of the photos taken by her father, Tsering Dorje. Later this week we will also be publishing a photo essay featuring a selection of Dorje’s photographs.
Tseing Woeser as a child with her father Tsering Dorje in Lhasa, 1966 (photographer unknown)

When Tibet was taken over by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in 1950, the Chinese officials sent to run Tibet initially made few changes to its society, culture or administration. But, as with most revolutions since the 18th century, in time the Chinese Communist project in Tibet turned to the use of terror. Initially, this took the form of Robespierrean public education – mass imprisonment and executions – but by the mid-1960s the dominant form of political violence had become the ritualized humiliation of teachers, scholars, landlords and others whom the revolutionaries identified as their enemies. These “struggle sessions” and “speaking bitterness” events, along with ultra-leftist policies, factional conflict, and rebellions, were defining features of the Cultural Revolution in both Tibet and China from May 1966 until the death of Mao in September 1976, ten years later.

In the early 1980s, the Party itself condemned the Cultural Revolution and allowed many Chinese writers to record their experiences. However, first-hand accounts of that time by Tibetans who remained within China are almost non-existent. Only a handful of refugee reports attested to what had happened when the Cultural Revolution was exported by the Chinese to a totally distinct culture in what was, in effect, a colony.

In 1999 this situation was transformed when Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan poetess and dissident essayist living in Beijing, began to study a set of photo negatives that her father, who had served as a PLA officer and photographer in Tibet until his death in 1991, had left with the family. The photographs included hundreds of images of events in Tibet during the Cultural Revolution. Over the next six years, Woeser interviewed some seventy Tibetans and Chinese who had witnessed those events, showing them her father’s photographs and documenting their responses. None of this work could be published within China, but in 2006 the Taiwanese publishing house Locus produced Shajie (殺劫), Woeser’s book-length essay in Chinese about these interviews, together with 300 photographs, extended captions, and analysis. For the first time, the world saw uncensored images showing how the Cultural Revolution had been carried out in Tibet.

Three years after the Chinese edition of her book appeared, Woeser, myself, and the translator Susan Chen began work on an English-language version. We revised and updated the text, added new information to the captions, and included a postscript by Woeser on the changes in Lhasa since her father took his photographs. The result, Forbidden Memory: Tibet During the Cultural Revolution, was released by the University of Nebraska Press earlier this summer. For the China Channel, we asked Woeser to look back at that process and to reflect on the significance of her father’s photographs today. – Robert Barnett

Robert Barnett and Susan Chen: Forbidden Memory is a unique record of an episode in Tibetan history some fifty years ago. How would you describe that episode, and what did you learn about it that was not known before?

Tsering Woeser: The most important insight that I drew from the 300 or more of my father’s photographs that I’ve put in Forbidden Memory was about the amount of damage done to monasteries, Buddhist statues, and texts, as well as the name changes that were imposed on places and buildings. These are all so important to traditional Tibetan culture and history. There was also the abuse and humiliation that the photos showed. This was done to Tibetan high lamas, aristocrats, officials from the former government, wealthier merchants, doctors of traditional medicine and others – even though many of them had collaborated publicly with the occupation forces of the PRC. The photos show the form of rule that the Chinese Communist Party imposed on Tibet – what I would call military imperialism. To me, these were realities that had been hidden. They were buried pains and sorrows. 

The state narrative is that this was all caused by Tibetans themselves. On the surface, this is true, and you can see some of that in my father’s photos. However, when I interviewed people who actually remembered the violence in those photos, and when I dug into the official publications and internal documents, I realized that many facts have been hidden by the Party. Through writing the original and now working on the English version, I have learned also that, however powerful they are, the authorities cannot arbitrarily rewrite history.

Apart from documenting Tibet’s recent history, what makes the book significant for today’s readers outside Tibet – particularly for those who are interested in learning about China, but whose knowledge of Tibet is limited?  What relevance and what insights do you think it might offer to them?

Forbidden Memory makes it impossible to deny that the Cultural Revolution was catastrophic in its impact on Tibet. It was certainly destructive all over China, but in Tibet, it exacerbated the damage done by the Party during the PLA’s occupation in the 1950s. The devastation of the Cultural Revolution was far-reaching and traumatic in terms of how it affected Tibetan culture, beliefs, economy, and society. You can see it even now with, for example, the Jokhang Temple in Lhasa or Ganden Monastery just outside the city. They have been renovated or rebuilt so that, on the surface, their prior destruction is no longer immediately visible. But it’s generally agreed among critical scholars and intellectuals that Mao’s death in 1976 didn’t bring an end to the Cultural Revolution in Tibet like it did elsewhere. Many Chinese and Tibetan officials in Tibet whose careers were made during the Cultural Revolution remained in high positions, and their efforts at self-promotion have only continued. They have now become political role models for younger opportunists. They may look very different on the outside from their “revolutionary” predecessors, but many of the things they have done are patterned on what activists did when they followed Mao’s directives in the Cultural Revolution. These activities are what we see in the photos in Forbidden Memory.

Could you talk more about the similarities and differences you noticed between official behavior during the Cultural Revolution and official behavior today?

You don’t see today’s officials directly attacking Tibet’s cultural tradition in the way the Maoist activists did during the Cultural Revolution, but there are huge propaganda hoardings on mountain slopes and hillsides all over Tibet. The portraits of CCP leaders from Mao to Xi Jinping are put on the walls of monasteries and private homes, and the Chinese national five-star flag flies from the Potala Palace [the Dalai Lama’s palace in Lhasa]. This is all the logic of “cultural revolution.” It permeates every corner of Tibet today.

You researched and wrote the first version of the book over a decade ago. What has changed since then? If you were starting again now, what would you do differently?

Before I worked on Forbidden Memory, my writing was mainly poetry and imaginative prose. This has deeply influenced my nonfiction writing. I embed poetic aspects of my work in narratives of specific events, identifiable places, and connections between the past and the present. 

I have watched carefully the changes in Lhasa and other places in Tibet. Overall, despite repackaging by the state, I see the Cultural Revolution as still ongoing in Tibet, albeit in a much less obvious version. You can see it, for example, in the current official project to “renovate” Lhasa in the name of “modernization.” The city has been drastically remade so as to rewrite history, to encourage Tibetans to take on a Chinese identity, and to promote commercialization and Han immigration. The old city of Lhasa was closely bound up with Tibetans’ spiritual and secular lives; now it has become an exotic theme park for tourists. Any presentation or expression of Tibetan culture or history has to be shown as a subset of “Chinese values” or it won’t be allowed.   

To start the project for Forbidden Memory again now? I think I would want to deepen my understanding of every theme and detail that emerges from my father’s photos. I would want to say more to contextualize what happened to particular individuals. The major obstacle now would be finding people who experienced and remembered the Cultural Revolution. In the late 1990s and the early 2000s, I was able to find more than seventy of them. Some of them were activists involved in the attacks, and others were victims or unwilling participants. More than half of them have died since then. Without them, or strictly speaking without the memories they related to me, it would be very hard to write this book. They are the true authors here.

Their spiritual world is full of scars, trapped inside a gigantic net built by the Chinese state”

In many ways, Forbidden Memory is about your efforts to understand the feelings and thinking of the former political idealists and activists you interviewed. What did you learn about political zeal, and about subsequent rethinking and regrets, from your interviews for the book? How did this affect the way you have come to see the Maoist era in general?

The activists and idealists are my elders – my parents, my parents’ siblings and their spouses, my teachers in school, and my superiors and senior colleagues where I used to be employed. Some of them I have known since I was a child, others I was close to as a young adult. From what I was able to hear and observe, sometimes even without directly talking with them, I could understand the actions and the thinking of their generation. Rather than say that they were political idealists or activists, I think, more precisely, many of them are what I would call “double-thinkers”. Only a minority of them, my father included, might have been genuinely idealistic about the political principles they said they believed in. Yet, whether they were idealists or not, the lives they lived were full of tragedy. The more I tried to understand them, the more I realized how they had been engulfed, destroyed, wasted by the regime in so many inhuman ways.

I once wrote about this – that an entire generation of them (and perhaps more than just their generation) are a unique outcome in history. For decades, their lives were so entangled with political turbulence over which they had no control that they metamorphosed into a kind of extreme dependency, a kind of parasitism. Their spiritual world is full of scars, trapped inside a gigantic net built by the Chinese state. Most of them can do nothing but follow its momentum. They are now fragile and old. Looking at their faces – Tibetan, familiar, but marked with confusion and alienation – makes me feel deeply saddened. I feel an almost inexpressible aversion to the monstrous state that has controlled and manipulated their spirit.

The photos your father took in Lhasa and in the Kham region of Tibet during the Cultural Revolution are central to Forbidden Memory. Has his photographic work and the history you discovered helped you understand him and Tibetans of his generation who were part of the Cultural Revolution? 

Yes, I didn’t publish the photo of my father in his army suit until 2016, when the second Chinese edition of Forbidden Memory came out. It has not been easy for me to talk about him publicly. My father had a long career in the Chinese army. At a time when joining the army was somehow seen as an honor, he enlisted when he was 13 in the 18th Army, the part of the PLA which first went into Tibet and ran the occupation in the 1950s. When he suddenly fell ill and died in 1991, he was 54. He had been with the army for 41 years. By then, he was a deputy commander of the PLA forces in Lhasa. I remember that at least once he refused promotion to a civilian position simply because he was unwilling to let go of his military uniform. And yet he took photos of the disasters that the CCP brought to his beloved homeland. I cannot help but wonder: Why did he take these photos? Why did he preserve them so carefully?

It seems to me now that he was very intentional in using his camera to document what was happening. I talked about this with my mother. She thought that my father was simply zealous about photography. “He took photos of everything,” she said. I didn’t completely agree with her. But I was only 25 when my father passed away. I was too young, too immersed in my own far-from-reality universe of poetry and art to have asked him about the photos he’d taken. That’s been an irreversible regret for me. Some twenty years after he died, I began to use his camera to take photographs in many of the same locations where he had taken his photos. Those are in the book as a Postscript. But who was he keeping records for? I am not him and I can’t speak for him, but I know that if he was still alive, he wouldn’t be content with the current order of things in Tibet – though I’m sure that he wouldn’t have become a dissident, a “traitor,” like me. 

I have often imagined that if military service had not been his profession, my father would have chosen to be a professional photographer. But it was his destiny to be a professional soldier instead. It’s the same destiny that has connected me with his photographic work – as if he had kept those photos for me to complete a puzzle about the saddest chapter of Tibetan history as it happened. ∎

Tsering Woeser, Forbidden Memory: Tibet During the Chinese Revolution, trans. Susan Chen, ed. Robert Barnett (Potomac Books, April 2020)
Header: Women march past leaders at a rally in Lhasa, 1966 (Tsering Dorje, courtesy of Tsering Woeser)

2020年11月9日星期一

唯色RFA博客: 天葬师、“康巴松茸”、六十三根辫子及丹增德勒仁波切(四)

与乡政府比邻的寺院在文革后重建。(唯色摄影)
与乡政府比邻的寺院在文革后重建。(唯色摄影)

5、


当高高低低的树林渐渐稀少,变成缓缓起伏的、绵延无尽的草坡,花朵和植物不再茂密也矮小许多,这说明海拔越来越高,但对我们(三个康巴男,半个康巴加半个卫藏构成的我)而言,高海拔根本不是问题。接近傍晚时,我们抵达了柯拉乡。确切地说,是依傍着一座山的乡政府。别看只是一个相当简陋的乡政府,可麻雀虽小五脏俱全,民政、司法、团委、妇联、计生办、人武部(门上画了一个红色的中国国徽)样样都有,然而都锁着门,一个人也不见。前面说过,乡干部都去做松茸生意了。与乡政府相邻的,是具有传统典雅风貌的小寺叫索洛寺。几个穿袈裟的年轻僧人正在打篮球(那个孤零零的篮球架有种遗世独立的风格),受乡干部的委托,暂时代管乡政府的日杂事务,还揣着几个办公室的钥匙,一见我们,忙不迭地打开会议室,搬放行李,点火烧茶。我笑道:“这岂不是夺权了?”


而天葬师仁青的牧场离乡政府很远,阿巴本局长再一次火速地托人送出了口信,然后召集来十几位僧人,毫不疲倦地却也是例行公事地传达了党的宗教政策,如“搞好反分裂斗争……做好清退18岁以下的年轻少年的工作……教育和控制私自出境……活佛转世要按照程序和规范政策进行……党委政府要加强对宗教事务的管理”,我躺在从寺院搬来的垫子上,一边喝着僧人送来的没取过酥油的纯酸奶,一边记录下这几条就困得不行,竟倒头沉睡过去,醒来已是天光明亮,空气清凉,让人心旷神怡。


天葬师仁青在他的畜牧防疫工作站。(唯色摄影)
天葬师仁青在他的畜牧防疫工作站。(唯色摄影)

接下来的早餐必须着重介绍一下,那是一碗绝对纯粹的“喀地”,是所有的用糌粑做的食物里我觉得最好吃的一种,也是众多康巴的最爱但卫藏人几乎不这样吃。其做法是用手指将酥油与糌粑捏啊捏啊捏成融合在一起的许多小块,压实,倒上一点茶,伸出舌头像小鸟啄食分数次舔那薄薄一层,然后再捏酥油与糌粑,压实,倒上一点茶,再伸舌头舔去又一层,如此反复,直到舔光为止,多么美味啊这个关键是酥油须优质且足够多。对了,此地还有一种糌粑的吃法。那天我们走下郭岗顶山,在树丛中见到一种像倒置的灯笼形状的花朵,就有人将糌粑撒入花蕊中,还分了一朵给我吃,口感不错,有一种特别的芳香。


然后,茶足饭饱的我们步出乡政府,去朝拜了旁边的索洛寺,光线暗淡的大殿里供奉着莲花生大士的塑像和宁玛派护法神孜玛的塑像,都很崭新。从僧人那里了解到,寺院最先是宁玛派,现在是格鲁派,实际上历史悠久,长达九百多年。五世尊者达赖喇嘛时代蒙古人来过。1950年代末解放军占领住过。文革中沦为废墟,后来虽有修复,但不够结实,遇到下雨下雪就很危险。又听僧人讲,其实乡政府的位置过去是寺院的护法殿,但拆光了重盖成军营建筑的式样,这“破旧立新”的革命力量还真的是无远弗届啊。


仁青出现了。他满头大汗,手中的缰绳还牵着一匹气喘吁吁的马,原来他接到口信时正在给生病的牛打防疫针,然后就马不停蹄地飞驰了五个多小时。我有些惭愧,又不是他想见我,怎么能这样打扰他呢?但仁青却一脸地喜悦,看阿巴本的眼神就像是看自己的儿子。他俩相识多年,早就结下了深厚的情谊。阿巴本不但喝他熬的茶、吃他做的酸奶,每次仁青上县里参加畜防工作会议时,还请他住在家里,这跟周围很多人的态度是不一样的。虽然仁青是党员,还是柯拉乡畜牧防疫工作站的站长,但是只有“刀登”这个称呼与他如影随形。当然,人死了是离不开刀登的,可人活着多少会离刀登远一点,毕竟刀登的身上带着一种奇怪的气味。


天葬场。(唯色摄影)
天葬场。(唯色摄影)

是的,就在工作站(其实只是一间低矮的小屋,也是牧民仁青从家里的牧场上被叫来,不是变成天葬师就是变成站长的落脚处),当他热情地给我端来一碗热乎乎的酥油茶,我素来灵敏的嗅觉捕捉到一种并不好闻的气味。我怀疑这就是天葬师固有的气味,但又不便表露出来,只好接过茶顾左右而言他。恰好,用木板拼接的墙上挂着一张毛泽东的画像,那是我们从小就分外熟悉的伟大领袖毛主席的标准像,而在仁青那铺着一张薄毛毡的床头,两大捧刚采摘的野花怒放着,不对,是四捧花儿错落有致地,供奉着一尊端坐在被哈达环绕的木匣子里的佛祖释迦牟尼塑像。“仁青,你到底信仰什么?”我故意提出了一个复杂的问题,可没想到仁青十分轻松地回答道:“白天嘛,我相信毛主席;天一黑,我就相信我们的佛菩萨。”我做出很惊讶的样子,仁青哈哈大笑,像是为捉弄了我而颇觉得意。当然,他这一笑也就忽略了我悄悄放在桌上的酥油茶。我到底还是一口没喝,因为我心里其实还很是在意那奇怪的气味。


眼前的仁青,那盘着黑色线穗的长发下是一张饱经风霜的古铜色脸膛,高鼻深目,军绿色的长袍里裹着一个敦实的身体,蹬着一双毛毡靴的双腿就像许多习惯了马上生活的牧人早已变形,走路一摇一晃。再过几年他就六十岁了,用他的话说,他也是快要上天葬场的人了。而我重又骑上马,跟着谈笑风生的仁青和阿巴本,远远地望见天葬场时,微风拂来,异味扑鼻。哦,从他身上散发的奇怪气味原来正是天葬场的气味,实际上就是死亡的气味。此时正值午后,座落在山谷中的天葬场更像一片安静的草原,除非留心察看,才会发现散落在草丛中的斑斑血迹,才会发现这里的草丛较之别处要稀疏得多,野花遮地,苍蝇乱飞,小虫很多。


天葬师仁青在天葬时的装束。(唯色摄影)
天葬师仁青在天葬时的装束。(唯色摄影)

一来到这飘溢着死亡气味的天葬场,仁青就有了显著的变化。也就是说,他一下子显得十分地职业化。他很利索地换上一件压在一块大石头下面裹成一团的布满破洞的绿褂子,包上同色的头巾,从放在马背上的牛皮口袋里掏出一把毫无光泽的短刀(似乎是死人的血使刀的色泽显得十分沉郁)和一把长长的斧头,看来这就是天葬师的行头。接着他走到几块有凹陷痕迹如同是被斧头砸出的长条石块前,连比带划,滔滔不绝。下面就是他对这种特殊葬俗的介绍:


“先说天葬场的风水。这可不是随意选中的地方,是过去一个大喇嘛给看的。你好生看看这地形,它像不像一片屋檐?其实这个天葬场的名字就叫屋檐。送来天葬的尸体男女老少都有,大多是这周边的乡民,也有僧人。但是天葬场对尸体的数量是有限制的,并不是有多少死人就天葬多少死人,如果超额的话就会出现厉鬼。像我们这个屋檐天葬场,是很早以前就有的,到底有多久我也不清楚,反正我当刀登已经二十多年了,光是用这把刀划过的死人就有两百多,那么总共这里划过多少死人呢?虽然谁也说不清楚,但我看得出来已经找不到几块空地了。”


仁青拉着我的胳膊,指点着广阔的草地,他眯缝着双眼的样子就像是他能够看见那些曾经躺在这里的死人。可我如何看得见呢?我有点心慌地掂起了脚尖,生怕踩到什么。


天葬师仁青让我拍他死后送来天葬的样子。(唯色摄影)
天葬师仁青让我拍他死后送来天葬的样子。(唯色摄影)

“人死了,”他用强调的口气说,“如果没有好好地天葬的话,是会变成鬼的,就像壁画上的那种专门在天葬场出现的鬼,尸陀林的鬼,一身的骷髅架子,很吓人的。不过我没见过,可能是我身上死人的气味太重了,连鬼也不想闻。但是好些人都看见了,就在前不久还有一个放羊的女娃娃看见了。这说明我们这个天葬场该作废了。其实现在除非是凶死的人在这里天葬,一般都送往红龙乡的天葬场。那里的刀登叫彭措尼玛,四十多岁。他用一年半的时间磕着长头去朝拜过拉萨。他才当了十年的刀登,就已经划了一百六十多人。连理塘县的死人都要送到那里去。那个天葬场是大喇嘛丹增德勒给看的,在半山上,很大,吃死人的鹰鹫也很多,有两百多只,最老的鹰鹫名叫汤嘎,因为它的羽毛是白色的。虽然他是我的徒弟,但他第一次天葬是大喇嘛丹增德勒亲自来教的,死者是一位七十多岁的老太婆。”


仁青又蹲下,神情愈发认真:“划死人是不能乱划的,有严格的次序和刀数,”他用刀在一块青色的石头上划了几下,划出一个四肢摊开的人体形状,惟妙惟肖。“先得在背后正中划一刀,接着在肋骨划两刀,再翻身往肚子上划两刀。不过小孩子就用不着这样讲究了,太小了,划几刀就可以了。但大人就不同了,男人得斜着划,女人得竖着划,而僧人的话,要按照袈裟的样式来划……”


出乎意外的是,仁青甚至还要求不停地按动快门的我,给他拍摄这样一张特殊的照片:他蜷伏在草地上,像一具被捆绑了四肢的尸体,眼睛紧闭,面容一下子塌陷,显得了无生气。他郑重地说:“送来天葬的死人都是这样子。我很想看看我自己死了之后,被抬到天葬场上是一副什么模样。你千万不要忘了,一定要给我寄来这张照片。”我当然诚惶诚恐地应承下来。对此,仁青表示满意的方式是用多少带点遗憾的口气说:“前几天那边草场纠纷打死了一个人,”他指了指身后那似乎藏着无数鹰鹫的山,“你早来几天就好啦,你就可以看到我是如何用刀子划开那个人的,你就可以看到铺天盖地飞来的鹰鹫。”


(本文发表于唯色RFA博客

2020.10.28:https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weiseblog/weise-10282020122841.html