中共自诩最有资格代表西藏人民，说尊者达赖喇嘛不但没有资格代表西藏人民，也没有资格跟中共说话。作家丁一夫驳斥道：“……如此极力贬低达赖喇嘛，其实犯的是低级错误。中央政府和汉地群众，几十年来一直没有能力理解，达赖喇嘛在藏人民众心目中的地位。”
谁最有资格代表西藏人民？
文/丁一夫
中央统战部副部长朱维群在新闻发布会上，谈到中央最近和达赖喇嘛代表商谈没有结果的时候说，和达赖喇嘛的代表谈判，只是要谈达赖喇嘛怎样“争取中央和全国人民的谅解，解决其个人前途问题”。对于达赖喇嘛一方提出的谈判条件，除了斥为分裂活动以外，把话说绝了，说达赖喇嘛“连个合法身份都没有，说得客气一点，你们提出这个问题是不适宜的。说得直白一点，你们没有提出这个问题的资格。”
这就奇怪了，既然是这样，那堂堂大国中央，干吗要一而再，再而三，持续十数年，多达七八次，和一个没有合法身份的老和尚谈判呢？虽然党的统战工作经常会关心一些个人的前途问题，可是无一例外这些个人必须是能做些对党有利的事情来换取的。既然中央认为达赖喇嘛根本微不足道，西藏人民在中央领导下已经过了半个世纪的幸福生活，这半个世纪里，两代人都成长起来了，西藏人民已经和达赖喇嘛没有什么关系了，那干吗还要费这个麻烦来谈达赖喇嘛的个人前途呢？
朱维群当上统战部副部长的时候，他的前任大概没有把“历史的经验”告诉他。
将近三十年前，文革结束拨乱反正的时候，以邓小平为首的中央，主动邀请达赖喇嘛派出私人代表团，“回国看看”。邓小平亲自接见了达赖喇嘛的代表，提出了“除了独立，什么都可以谈”，并且主动请达赖喇嘛的代表到藏区去看看。在达赖喇嘛代表们前往藏区以前，中央询问当地政府，能不能保证这些代表的安全。当地政府回答说，他们已经在群众中做了工作，要求群众不向达赖喇嘛代表吐口水，扔石头。在他们的想象中，“翻身农奴”见到了以前的农奴主，这样的事情是一定会发生的。
达赖喇嘛的代表来到藏区，遇到民众狂热欢迎。他们所到之处，被远道赶来的群众久久包围，人们跪在他们面前，哭着喊着，恳求达赖喇嘛回来，喊着达赖喇嘛万岁，场面惊心动魄，以至于中央不得不让达赖喇嘛代表提前返回。但正是藏人的这一自发行动，促使胡耀斑亲自访问西藏，正视藏人自己的意愿，促使当时的中央领导班子对西藏政策的纠错。
可惜这一出乎所有人预料的事件，从此在中文的任何书籍文章和文件里消声匿迹，再也没有人提起。这是中央政府治藏政策的一场恶梦，但愿快快忘记。中央对藏政策，在以后强化威权体制以后又一次转弯。但是，从此以后再也不敢请达赖喇嘛或者他的代表到藏区去随便看看了。
如今，朱副部长如此极力贬低达赖喇嘛，其实犯的是低级错误。中央政府和汉地群众，几十年来一直没有能力理解，达赖喇嘛在藏人民众心目中的地位。他们要么把达赖喇嘛看成一个失势的政治人物，要么就看成一个垂垂老矣的老和尚。他们不理解，对注重精神世界的藏民族来说，达赖喇嘛是无可替代的，是永恒的。
达赖喇嘛是人类政治史上绝无仅有的现象。古今中外，政治人物不论以前有多少权势，不论原来有多少效忠者，一旦被逐出而流亡，其权力真空很快就会被后来者填补。一旦新的权力结构得以巩固，时日越久，旧的权力结构就越难“复辟”，十年二十年以后就渐渐消失在历史长河里。达赖喇嘛却是一个例外。在人类政治史上，从来没有看到过，一个政治人物，流亡半个世纪，他的人民已经成长起两代新人，这些人甚至都毕生看不到他的一张照片，甚至不能说出他的名字，却依然忠实于他。搜遍中外历史，你找不出第二例来。
朱副部长如若不信，那就请和你的谈判对手，你极力贬低的达赖喇嘛的私人代表，一起到藏地藏人中间走一圈，随便看看即可。
如今中国政府的对藏政策，已经被一些最害怕达赖喇嘛回归的人劫持了。这里面有些人是当年的红卫兵头头，如今西藏的执政者。他们其实是明白的，最有资格代表西藏人民的，不是他们，而是达赖喇嘛。他们拼着命也要阻挡达赖喇嘛的回归，于是把攻击贬低达赖喇嘛的话说得那么凶，那么恶，那么绝，让中央政府无法掉头。可是，中央政府自己应该明白，达赖喇嘛倡导的“中间道路”，公开宣布不追求独立，只要求藏民族的自治，是一条对汉藏民族都最有利的路。堵死了这条道路，并没有解决西藏问题。汉藏两个民族比邻而居，如果处于一种统治和被统治的关系，如果藏民族因为不能迎回他们的精神领袖而感受痛苦，如果藏人只能在心底里默默咽下他们的怨屈和愤怒，那么他们总有一天还会反抗。藏人是不是满意，藏人过得是不是幸福，藏民族想念谁，谁最有资格代表藏人，中央政府应该去问藏人，而不是问自己，或者问汉人。堵死了达赖喇嘛倡导的“中间道路”，想拖到达赖喇嘛去世而最终解决西藏问题，这是痴人做梦。要知道，世事万变，中国政府和社会，也有自己的内外问题。等到有一天这些问题爆发而引起大变之时，就是长期遭压制而积累了愤怒的藏民族最终独立之日。今日国人若不想因失去西藏而被后代骂，那就尽早回到达赖喇嘛倡导的“中间道路”上来。
（多维新闻网2008年11月14日 http://www.dwnews.com/gb/MainNews/Opinion/2008_11_13_20_41_14_252.html）
图为法会上，藏人表达对尊者达赖喇嘛的崇敬。摄影者是著名摄影师Wasfia Nazreen。
解决西藏问题只有靠达赖喇嘛！
回复删除http://chinese.wsj.com/gb/chw.asp《华尔街报》
回复删除我的藏族同胞们,你们有看到上面的网站上有关西藏问题上的评论文章吗？大批中国人对法王的恶言攻击，我们不用理会被中共洗脑无知可怜的一些人的说法，但是在民族生死存亡的时刻。一定要知己知彼。百战百胜。
天涯海角
共产党最没有资格代表藏民。因为，他们在西藏不要讲藏语，别说猪喂穷了，西藏自治去书记会将吗？党怎样长期以来讲汉语统治的博。博巴（博米）又怎样反过来努力适应汉语的。这就是西藏的文化进步。世代居住在博的博米没有资格在自己的国土上说自己时代在说的语言。一个以藏语为主的地区，硬要变成一个说中国话的地区，你们说那是不是强奸，在这个世界人强奸强奸人也要忍受，公理何在。难道博国，一定要让它成为中国不可吗？西藏的人还是不是人？他们就是你们要较量的对手吗？而为此你们要侵占博国？还是你们要把他们当成你们的兄弟姐妹，去用他们的语言，获得他们的认同？
回复删除还要把他们当成较量的对象，还要在文化、政治、宗教、语言、文字领域实行对博巴的强奸。这样下去不一定没有报应。不一定就能够维持很长时间。你们也就是和一个出家人斗了半个世纪而已。而在半个世纪当中你们赢得了博巴的心吗？还好意思说一个境外的出家人策划了西藏抗暴。从这一点可以看出你们为人的质量。你们“解放西藏”，对西藏犯下了多少罪行。通过3.10.2008可见一斑。
支那=China=Rgya Nag=加纳:
回复删除关于支那=China:真是天大的误会,支那怎么是辱称呢?
因为汉族方言复杂,就念成了支那.广东话中藏与壮是一个音.
香港九龙:广东和香港人念Hong Kong Kowloon.汉语普通话=Xiang Gang Jiu Long发音差别很大.我在北京见过一个汉人,他生在兰州,长在西安,祖籍是广东,但他听不懂,也不会说广东话.
关于Chink:一次被蛇咬,千年怕草绳.Chink是清客,外人对大清国人的称呼-尊称。
我们叫Rgya Gar,Rgya Dkar印度和印度人为"加噶",因为他们崇尚白色,到处是穿白色衣服的人."加"是大的意思,"噶"白色.
我们叫Rgya Ser西方人为"加赛",因为他们最大的特点?头发是黄色."加"是大的意思,"赛"是黄色.
我们叫Rgya Nag汉人和汉族地方为"加纳",因为他们最大的特点是,浑身穿黑衣服,吃饭的大碗也是黑色的."加"是大,"纳"是黑色.中国人崇尚黑颜色. 我在汉地参加过劳动,每天和农民一起吃饭，用的就是黑大碗.
"加米"的意思:是大地方的人,其中包括的不止是汉人.
"加干"的意思是大地方的汉子.
"加纳"怎么是侮辱人呢?绝对不是!这是种称呼是对中国五千年传统文化的尊重
我参加过张艺谋,谭盾,哈金的关于歌剧"秦始皇"的讲座,张谭二人都从不同角度谈了服装,布景,道具的色调及配色问题,中国人崇尚黑色由来已久,从古而来. 自然界中颜色有16,777,216种。但是,没有以黑色作最主要的基调,他们这个歌剧就没法排下去.
*******
陈文茜认为：中国内地的历史观几乎都是错误的、虚伪的。
汉藏两个民族比邻而居，如果处于一种统治和被统治的关系，如果藏民族因为不能迎回他们的精神领袖而感受痛苦，如果藏人只能在心底里默默咽下他们的怨屈和愤怒，那么他们总有一天还会反抗。藏人是不是满意，藏人过得是不是幸福，藏民族想念谁，谁最有资格代表藏人，中央政府应该去问藏人，而不是问自己，或者问汉人。
回复删除A Voice of Tibetans in Tibet
回复删除Independence is not the ultimate goal of the Tibet Movement
The latest talk between the central government and the representative of the Dalai Lama ended early this month with officials from the United Front blaming the Dalai Lama for the failure of the talk because, according to these Chinese officials, the Dalai Lama’s ultimate goal is to achieve the independence of Tibet. However, even many ethnic Chinese intellectuals have pointed out that it is precisely the CCP regime that promotes separation of Tibet from PRC because the ultimate goal of the Tibet Movement is not seeking territorial independence. Rather, it is to protect Tibetan culture and language: not let the Tibetan nation become the second Indians of America and Manchu of China, a loss not only to the Tibetan people alone, but also a great loss to the whole world from a cultural diversity perspective. They argue that by not accepting the Middle-Way Approach repeatedly advocated by the Dalai Lama, which seeks genuine autonomy of Tibetan areas in PRC under the framework of the Constitute of the PRC, which would help protect and promote Tibetan culture and language, the CCP regime in fact helps radical Tibetan nationalists replace the Dalai Lama’s Middle-Way-Approach with their approach that aims to seek the independence of Tibet though whether they can achieve it in the near future is another issue.
Today a special meeting will be convened in India as a forum to understand the real opinions and views of the Tibetan people through the representatives of overseas Tibetans from all walks of life though the meeting might not reach a particular outcome regarding an alternative approach immediately. The CCP regime commented (on Wednesday) that the meeting would not get nowhere because the participants would not represent the views of most Tibetans. I agree that because the majority of Tibetan people live inside Tibet our voices cannot be physically heard at the meeting. But the CCP regime has never given us a platform for our viewpoints! I think the most important thing that this special meeting can produce is to create a mechanism for bringing Tibetans inside and outside together, not letting the Tibetan spirit be lost during the process of our struggle with the CCP regime and keeping the Tibet Issue alive until it is resolved!
In my opinion that the Law on Ethnic Regional Autonomy remains on paper is one of the key factors contributing to the unhappiness of Tibetans with the status quo. In Nunavut in north Canada, Inuktitut, the native language of Inuit, is the working language in Nunavut Territory (in the Legislative Assembly and the Hamlet Council). In Tibet Chinese is the de facto official working language above township level (now there is a trend that more Chinese is used even in township government documents) though the law says Tibetan should be the primary working language in Tibet.
Finally, I believe that the Tibet Movement will ultimately contribute to and become a part of the democratic movement in China because we struggle for our basic rights promised in the Constitute of the PRC and the Law on Ethnic Regional Autonomy and outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. So the Chinese people should have every reason to support us!
达赖喇嘛私人代表同北京政府会谈内容曝光
回复删除达赖喇嘛二位特使就针对最近（2008年11月4日和5日两天举行了会谈）在北京举行的藏中第八轮会谈，今天（2008年11月16日）下午二点半，在印度达然萨拉德西藏流亡政府外交与新闻部的拉巴次仁会议室举行了记者会，约有近70多位藏外记者出席了记者会。
在记者会上，公布了达赖喇嘛特使洛迪嘉日、格桑坚赞与中国政协副主席中央统战部长杜青林在北京举行藏中第八轮会谈时，特使向杜青林提交的一份有关所有藏族 需要真正自治的意见书。
达赖喇嘛私人代表和北京第八次会谈结束后，北京使用更严厉的口气指责达赖喇嘛和西藏流亡政府，外界普遍认为，从此藏中和谈破裂。到底谈了什么？以下是有关《意见书》英文内容：
全文英文版 (博讯 boxun.com)
英文减缩版：
SUMMARY OF THE MEMORANDUM ON GENUINE AUTONOMY FOR THE TIBETAN PEOPLE
INTRODUCTION
During the seventh round of talks in Beijing on 1 and 2 July 2008, the Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and the Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Du Qinglin, explicitly invited suggestions from His Holiness the Dalai Lama for the stability and development of Tibet. The Executive Vice Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Zhu Weiqun, further said they would like to hear our views on the degree or form of autonomy we are seeking as well as on all aspects of regional autonomy within the scope of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China (PRC).
Accordingly, during the recent eighth round of talks we presented the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People to the vice Chairman, Mr. Du Qinglin and held extensive discussions with our Chinese counterparts on November 4th and 5th in Beijing.
In recent days the Central United Front Work Department of the Chinese Communist Party has issued statements about our talks in Beijing and in particular about the content of the memorandum we have presented to them. These Chinese statements distort the position and proposal we have outlined in our paper. In order to enable the public, concerned governments, parliamentarians, non-governmental organisations and individuals to gain a comprehensive and full understanding of the Tibetan position on genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people, we are releasing today the memorandum.
Our memorandum puts forth our position on genuine autonomy and how the specific needs of the Tibetan nationality for autonomy and self-government can be met through application of the principles on autonomy of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, as we understand them. On this basis, His Holiness the Dalai Lama felt confident that the basic needs of the Tibetan nationality can be met through genuine autonomy within the PRC.
SUMMARY OF THE MEMORANDUM
The Constitution of the PRC contains fundamental principles on autonomy and self-government whose objectives are compatible with the needs and aspirations of the Tibetans. Regional national autonomy is aimed at opposing both the oppression and the separation of nationalities by rejecting both Han chauvinism and local nationalism. It is intended to ensure the protection of the culture and the identity of minority nationalities by empowering them to become masters of their own affairs.
To a very considerable extent Tibetan needs can be met within the constitutional principles on autonomy. On several points, the Constitution gives significant discretionary powers to state organs in decision-making and on the operation of the system of autonomy. These discretionary powers can be exercised to facilitate genuine autonomy for Tibetans in ways that would respond to the uniqueness of the Tibetan situation. Given good will on both sides, outstanding problems can be resolved within the constitutional principles on autonomy. In this way national unity and stability and harmonious relations between the Tibetan and other nationalities will be established.
TIBETAN ASPIRATIONS
Tibetans have a rich and distinct history, culture and spiritual tradition all of which form valuable parts of the heritage of humanity. Not only do Tibetans wish to preserve their own heritage, which they cherish, but equally they wish to further develop their culture and spiritual life and knowledge in ways that are particularly suited to the needs and conditions of humanity in the 21st century.
As a part of the multi-national state of the PRC, Tibetans can benefit greatly from the rapid economic and scientific development the country is experiencing. While wanting to actively participate and contribute to this development, we want to ensure that this happens without the people losing their Tibetan identity, culture and core values and without putting the distinct and fragile environment of the Tibetan plateau, to which Tibetans are indigenous, at risk.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s commitment to seek a solution for the Tibetan people within the PRC is clear and unambiguous. This position is in full compliance and agreement with paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's statement in which he emphasised that except for independence all other issues could be resolved through dialogue. Whereas, we are committed, therefore, to fully respect the territorial integrity of the PRC, we expect the Central Government to recognise and fully respect the integrity of the Tibetan nationality and its right to exercise genuine autonomy within the PRC. We believe that this is the basis for resolving the differences between us and promoting unity, stability and harmony among nationalities.
BASIC NEEDS OF TIBETANS
Subject Matters of Self-government
1) Language
2) Culture
3) Religion
4) Education
5) Environmental Protection
6) Utilisation of Natural Resources
7) Economic Development and Trade
8) Public health
9) Public Security
10) Regulation on population migration
11) Cultural, educational and religious exchanges with other countries
RESPECT FOR THE INTEGRITY OF THE TIBETAN NATIONALITY
Tibetans belong to one minority nationality regardless of the current administrative divisions. The integrity of the Tibetan nationality must be respected. That is the spirit, the intent and the principle underlying the constitutional concept of national regional autonomy as well as the principle of equality of nationalities.
There is no dispute about the fact that Tibetans share the same language, culture, spiritual tradition, core values and customs, that they belong to the same ethnic group and that they have a strong sense of common identity. Tibetans share a common history and despite periods of political or administrative divisions, Tibetans continuously remained united by their religion, culture, education, language, way of life and by their unique high plateau environment.
The Tibetan nationality lives in one contiguous area on the Tibetan plateau, which they have inhabited for millennia and to which they are therefore indigenous. For purposes of the constitutional principles of national regional autonomy Tibetans in the PRC in fact live as a single nationality all over the Tibetan plateau.
In order for the Tibetan nationality to develop and flourish with its distinct identity, culture and spiritual tradition through the exercise of self-government on the above mentioned basic Tibetan needs, the entire community, comprising all the areas currently designated by the PRC as Tibetan autonomous areas, should be under one single administrative entity. The current administrative divisions, by which Tibetan communities are ruled and administered under different provinces and regions of the PRC, foments fragmentation, promotes unequal development, and weakens the ability of the Tibetan nationality to protect and promote its common cultural, spiritual and ethnic identity. Rather than respecting the integrity of the nationality, this policy promotes its fragmentation and disregards the spirit of autonomy.
THE NATURE AND STRUCTURE OF THE AUTONOMY
The exercise of genuine autonomy would include the right of Tibetans to create their own regional government and government institutions and processes that are best suited to their needs and characteristics. It would require that the People’s Congress of the autonomous region have the power to legislate on all matters within the competencies of the region and that other organs of the autonomous government have the power to execute and administer decisions autonomously. Autonomy also entails representation and meaningful participation in national decision-making in the Central Government. Processes for effective consultation and close cooperation or joint decision-making between the Central Government and the regional government on areas of common interest also need to be in place for the autonomy to be effective.
A crucial element of genuine autonomy is the guarantee the Constitution or other laws provide that powers and responsibilities allocated to the autonomous region cannot be unilaterally abrogated or changed. This means that neither the Central Government nor the autonomous region’s government should be able, without the consent of the other, to change the basic features of the autonomy.
Implementation of genuine autonomy, for example, requires clear divisions of powers and responsibilities between the Central Government and the government of the autonomous region with respect to subject matter competency. Currently there is no such clarity and the scope of legislative powers of autonomous regions is both uncertain and severely restricted. Thus, whereas the Constitution intends to recognise the special need for autonomous regions to legislate on many matters that affect them, the requirements of Article 116 for prior approval at the highest level of the Central Government - by the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress (NPC) - inhibit the implementation of this principle of autonomy. In reality, it is only autonomous regional congresses that expressly require such approval, while the congresses of ordinary (not autonomous) provinces of the PRC do not need prior permission and merely report the passage of regulations to the Standing Committee of the NPC “for the record” (Article 100).
The exercise of autonomy is further subject to a considerable number of laws and regulations, according to Article 115 of the Constitution. Certain laws effectively restrict the autonomy of the autonomous region, while others are not always consistent with one another. The result is that the exact scope of the autonomy is unclear and is not fixed, since it is unilaterally changed with the enactment of laws and regulations at higher levels of the state, and even by changes in policy. There is also no adequate process for consultation or for settling differences that arise between the organs of the Central Government and of the regional government with respect to the scope and exercise of autonomy. In practice, the resulting uncertainty limits the initiative of regional authorities and impedes the exercise of genuine autonomy by Tibetans today.
Dharamsala, 16 Nov. 2008