2011年12月23日星期五

嘉央诺布:哈维尔留给西藏斗争的遗产

这篇文章来自嘉央诺布博客:Shadow Tibet


哈维尔留给西藏斗争的遗产


作者:嘉央诺布(Jamyang Norbu)
译者:John Lee


2011/12/19

一直以来,达赖喇嘛无论何时受到任何国际领导人或社会名流的哪怕一点点礼遇,藏人都会可以理解地感到非常高兴和满足。在我们所处的如此让人绝望的形势下,人们觉得任何的公开宣传都是难能可贵的。其实,有些值得质疑的领导人并非真心支持我们的事业,他或者她或许用情报交易的术语讲只是一个“有影响力的中间人”( an agent of influence),迫使达赖喇嘛承认中华帝国的“精神福祉”从而为自己谋取更大的国际贸易利益。我们对此往往视而不见。

两天前,瓦茨拉夫•哈维尔(Haclav Havel),一位始终与达赖喇嘛保持真正友谊并且坚定不移地反对共产中国占领西藏的世界领袖离开了人世。他对北京暴政的反对并非仅仅局限在西藏问题上。刘晓波被捕之后,哈维尔不顾重病缠身和其他一些捷克异见人士试图在2010年1月(在刘获得诺贝尔和平奖之前)向中国使馆递交一封信,结果却吃了闭门羹。BBC当时报道说,“这是一个应当出自他在60年代创作的剧本中的荒诞场景,在这些剧作中他取笑了当时靠苏联人撑腰统治国家的政权。”

当然,哈维尔首先且最重要的是一位作家和思想家,而非职业政治家。事实上,在1989年他成为最终推翻政权的天鹅绒革命的领袖之前,他因反对捷克斯洛伐克的共产党政府被囚禁了四年半。

本文不是一篇献给哈维尔先生的悼词,也无意讨论他的文学作品。在此我着意想介绍的是他留给我们藏人和其他致力于反抗“后集权主义”( post-totalitarianism)压迫和暴力的自由斗士们的一份遗产。这是一份重要的,甚至是一份改变游戏规则的遗产。哈维尔在他的长文《无权者的权力》(The Power of the Powerless)中使用了这个术语。文章对于在后斯大林(和毛泽东)时代如何有效地挑战那些压迫政权和体制进行了战略上的探讨。

去年在昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)获释之后,我写作了《寻求无权者的权力》一文,对哈维尔的观点进行了简要归纳。我在此恳请读者阅读(或重读)此文并在有可能的时候去拜读哈维尔的原文。我想这可能会为我们理解西藏内部发生的一切提供一个更为广阔的理论视野,或许还能有助于我们得到在让赞【1】革命中可资利用的斗争策略。

译注:
【1】让赞:藏语,独立。



HAVEL’S LEGACY TO THE TIBETAN STRUGGLE

by Jamyang Norbu

These days whenever the Dalai Lama is received by any world leader or celebrity with a modicum of civility, Tibetans understandably become enormously pleased and gratified. In our somewhat desperate situation all publicity is regarded as good publicity. We close our eyes to the fact that the leader in question might not actually support our cause or that he or she might be – to use the jargon of the intelligence trade – “an agent of influence” pressuring the Dalai Lama to make one more concession for the “spiritual welfare” of the Chinese Empire and greater profits for international trade.

One world leader who has always received the Dalai Lama with true friendship and who was also resolutely opposed to the Communist Chinese occupation of Tibet, died two days ago. Haclav Havel’s opposition to Beijing’s tyranny was not confined to the issue of Tibet. When Liu Xiaobo was arrested, Havel (though gravely ill) and other Czech dissidents, attempted to deliver a letter to the Chinese Embassy in January 2010 (before Liu won the Nobel Peace Prize) but found the doors closed and no one to receive it. The BBC reported that “It was an absurd scene that could have come out of one of the plays he wrote in the 1960s, poking fun at the Soviet-backed authorities who ruled his country at the time.”

For Havel was first and foremost a writer and thinker, and not a career politician. In fact under the Communists he spent four and a half years in prison for opposing Czechoslovakia’s Communist government before emerging as a leader of the Velvet Revolution that swept it aside in 1989.

This post is not intended as an eulogy or a discussion of Havel’s literary work, but rather to introduce an important, even game-changing, legacy that he left us Tibetans and other freedom fighters struggling against the oppression and violence of “post-totalitarianism”. This is a term Havel used in his long essay The Power of the Powerless which is in fact a strategic discussion on how to effectively challenge repressive regimes and systems in the post-Stalinist (and Maoist) world.

I cobbled together a simple précis of Havel’s thesis in my post “Seeking the Power of the Powerless” which I wrote after Aung San Suu Kyi was released last year. I would request readers to read (or re-read) the post, and if possible follow it up with a study of Havel’s actual essay. I think it might provide a broader theoretical perspective to our understanding of what is happening inside Tibet, and perhaps help shape the strategy we must adopt to bring about the Rangzen revolution.

1 条评论:

  1. 期待译者为我们翻译嘉央诺布啦的另一篇文章《寻求无权者的权力》。正如译者所说,关于哈维尔这篇译文只是引子。。。感谢译者John Lee。

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