2015年3月28日星期六

唯色:与高峰净土网站谈与流亡歌手的合作

著名的流亡藏人歌手札穹啦(Techung)及其乐队。

与高峰净土网站谈与流亡歌手的合作

文/唯色

我去年在拉萨住了三个多月。应该是秋天的时候,创办“高峰净土(High Peaks Pure Earth)”网站的Dechen Pemba啦——与我有着深厚情谊已分别六年多的友人,如往常给我发来邮件。这次是要我谈谈与著名的流亡歌手札穹啦(Techung)在音乐上的合作。以下是Dechen啦与我的对话:

D:你为什么要跟札穹啦合作?

我:我最早是从一些电影中听到札穹啦的歌声,如故事片《Dreaming Lhasa》和纪录片《Tibet: Cry of the Snow Lion》等等,札穹啦的吟唱有着图伯特的传统歌乐如卡鲁、朗玛、堆协的韵味,却因现实中整个民族的丧失之痛而充满苍凉。2008年12月10日,札穹啦在台湾参加了“自由之音~西藏之声”音乐会的演出,我是在网上看到这场音乐会的,当即有了一个想法。我写过一些歌词,其中的一首《在路上》是多年前在拉萨写的,表达的是对尊者达赖喇嘛的思念。我思忖,如果由流亡藏人歌手谱曲并演唱,那将有着深刻的意义。

D:你是怎么联系札穹啦的?

我:我是在Facebook上与札穹啦联系的。我很直率地将我的想法告诉了他,并表示这是境内藏人与流亡藏人之间合作的一次展示。札穹啦立即回应,欣然应承。那是2008年的年底。随后,我请了一位在大学任教职的安多友人将《在路上》的歌词译成了藏文。

D:你与流亡藏人合作过吗?
Losang Gyatso画展2008年12月11日在华盛顿举办,
我撰文《这是什么?让那一刻成为永远》

我:音乐方面,在跟札穹合作之前,我没有跟其他流亡藏人合作过。写作方面,与学者茨仁夏加(Tsering Shakya)、RFA藏语部、作家更特东珠、高峰净土网站(High Peaks Pure Earth)合作过,都是涉及文章与书的翻译;茨仁夏加先生为我的记录之书《鼠年雪狮吼》写了序言;高峰净土网站几年来一直在将我的文章翻译为英文,影响甚广。艺术方面,曾为艺术家Losang Gyatso的作品《Signs from Tibet》写过评论文章,画展时,Losang Gyatso朗读了我的文章。

D:你为什么认为跟札穹啦合作是重要的?你们交流时碰到了什么问题?

我:从某种意义上来说,札穹啦是流亡藏人的象征。札穹啦的故乡在境内藏地,但出生于印度。与成千上万有着相同命运的藏人一样,当家园被占领、寺院被摧毁、喇嘛被流亡,他的父母双亲不得不别离故土,而札穹啦本人从未能回到故土。

我写过,正如绵延的喜马拉雅横亘于被殖民者划定的边界上,遭到阻隔的藏人有了“境内”与“境外”之分。然而音乐是有翅膀的,可以飞越任何人为的障碍。所以我希望与札穹啦的合作,打破某种历史的、现实的障碍。

但是我与札穹啦的联系是有困难的,而这是由于语言造成的。札穹啦会藏文、英文,而我只会中文,我给他留言总是要通过Google翻译,这肯定是有语病的。所以我们之间联系并不算多。

D:你为什么选了《在路上》?你觉得札穹啦唱的《在路上》好听吗?

这里,可以听到Techung啦谱曲、演唱的《在路上》Lam La Che (On the Road)。

我:前面我说过,《在路上》是献给尊者达赖喇嘛的歌。这首歌最初是一首诗,写于1995年5月从卫藏一个风景优美却遭到破坏的地方返回拉萨的路上。后来,我将这首诗改成了歌词,很希望有一位天赐的歌者能为之谱曲、将之传唱。而札穹啦正是天赐的歌者。他曾在一首歌中颂赞尊者达赖喇嘛是“希德岗森”,即和平雪狮。

大约是在2011年,札穹啦将完成的歌寄给了我,而这正是我由衷希望的歌——在以扎念、笛子等图伯特乐器的旋律中,札穹啦唱得深情而婉转,当我反复聆听这首歌,悟觉到这首歌正如同歌词中写到的“人世间最美的花朵”,可以奉献给尊者达赖喇嘛。2012年7月6日即尊者达赖喇嘛77岁华诞之前,《在路上》正式演唱,并录制成唱片。这首歌终于以歌唱的方式替我实现了完美的、永久的奉献。

D:你有没有打算以后跟流亡藏人合作?

我:有这样的想法。我本是诗人,虽然诗与歌词是不一样的,但我还是写过一些歌词。不过目前只有两首歌词被翻译、被谱曲并演唱。《在路上》是由札穹啦谱曲并演唱的。另一首歌词《誓言》是由境内歌手才让东珠演唱的,谱曲者是谁还不知道。我希望我写的歌词,将来还有其他流亡藏人音乐人谱曲并演唱。

当然不只是在音乐方面。作为一位写作者,我更希望在写作方面能与流亡藏人合作。

D:你喜欢听什么流亡藏人音乐?你最喜欢的歌手是谁?

我:现代的。如Karma Norbu Emchi的歌:《Shapaley》、《Made in Tibet》等。

传统的。如葛萨雀吉(Kelsang Chuki)的歌。

最喜欢的歌手是札穹、普布朗杰(Phurbu T.Namgyal)、葛萨雀吉、丹增确杰(Tenzin Choegyal)。其实我也非常喜欢普布朗杰和丹增确杰的歌曲,并与他们在facebook上有过联系。

D:你有信息要给流亡歌手的?

我:境内藏人歌手很多,不少歌手具有非凡的勇气,正如你在一篇文章中所写:“面对高度危险和中国的严厉审查,藏人歌手唱出对图伯特的爱”。我非常喜欢他们的歌曲,也为此写过文章。希望有一天,境内外藏人音乐人能够携手合作,共同表达对图伯特未来的关切。

2015年3月

(本文为自由亚洲特约评论,相关内容由自由亚洲电台藏语专题节目广播,转载请注明。)

2015年3月26日星期四

唯色:国际母语日谈“维稳”与藏语

图为2010年10月19日,青海省黄南藏族自治州一千多名藏族学生示威游行,喊出:民族平等、语言自由。据悉,学生们举行抗议的理由是反对同仁县政府关于《学校需要进行汉语教学和将藏文科目翻译成中文,并在五年内将所有藏文课目都翻成中文进行教学的改革提纲》的有关文件,当时学生们都统一高呼:“我们不同意这项决定!”


国际母语日谈“维稳”与藏语


文/唯色

221日是国际母语日。中文维基百科介绍:国际母语日(又译世界母语日)定为每年的221日,由联合国教科文组织于1999年提出倡议,从2000年起,每年的221日为“世界母语日”。目标是向全球宣传保护语言的重要,促进母语传播的运动,避免地球上大部分的语言消失。

每年的国际母语日都有其历史主题,如2012年是“母语教学和全纳教育”;2013年是“书籍,母语教育的媒介”;2014年是“当地语言促进世界公民意识:聚焦科学”;而今年,即2015年的历史主题是“以语言为手段和内容的全纳教育-语言至关重要”。显而易见,强调的是母语的教育。因为没有教育,母语便会消失。

我注意到在微信上,年轻的藏人们在转发分别用藏文和中文写的一篇短文:《写在国际母语日:维稳与母语》。作者是年轻的藏人知识分子、安多热贡人索南旺杰。他首先介绍了中国官媒发表题为《国际母语日:进一步推广语言保护意识》的专题文章,其中提到“保护民族语言,有利于人类文明的传承和发展,也有利于民族团结、社会安定”,接着,他直言不讳地写道:

“反照目前藏区基层的母语保护实践,特别是青海黄南等藏族自治州,在民间层面发起的保护活动均被认为是‘借母语保护之名义而行藏独活动之实’,是否果真在借名义搞活动,或者组建母语保护协会是否纯粹出自民众的文化自觉与对语言命运的忧虑,这已然不是相关单位关心的事宜。截至目前,所有民间发起的母语保护活动均被视为非法,相关组织人员先后被拘留、处罚、问询,‘母语’结结实实地成为当地的敏感词,大街小巷都贴有《带有藏独性质的16种违法行为》的告示,这其中就将‘母语保护、语言平等’的民间吁告列入违法行为,但告示中并未写明判定这16种行为违法行为的法理依据。”

作为体制内人士,索南旺杰向中国政府苦口婆心地强调:“毋庸置疑,维稳维的是民心,抗击‘藏独’或‘分裂势力’,归根结底是一个争取民心的斗争。就语言而言,它是一个民族存在的家,党委政府如若重视语言权利,必然是为防止‘分裂势力’的渗透铸造了一道坚壁的墙。……维稳既要稳民心,就必得因势利导,才能疏川导滞,以维护民心来维护社会稳定,因此,落实和尊重民族语言的宪法赐予的庄严法权,去‘母语’问题的政治化,不仅与少数民族一道保护她们的母语,更加为少数民族语言文字的发展创造条件,不但是一个现代国家法定的责任,也是最有效保障民心的策略。”

不过,对于一个极权专制政权,它会认为:只有去少数民族的“母语”,才是真正的“维稳”。


20152

(本文为自由亚洲电台藏语广播节目,转载请注明。)

2015年3月24日星期二

3月22日,《西藏火凤凰》新书发表会在台北


【鳳凰涅槃,浴火重生】——唯色《西藏火鳳凰》新書發表會

三月(22日),唯色新書《西藏火鳳凰》,由大塊文化出版,在台北水牛書店舉辦新書發表會,由達賴喇嘛西藏宗教基金會董事長達瓦才仁,以及廢死聯盟執行長林欣怡主持。

唯色持續六年紀錄藏人自焚事件,連同自焚藏人名單、抗議概況和遺言收錄書中。書名取意鳳凰涅槃,浴火重生,封面由艾未未設計,潔淨如西藏潔白的哈達,中間一朵火焰,燙上所有自焚藏人的名字。

唯色記述,藏人自焚是延續二零零八年的抗議:抗議中共壓制藏傳佛教的信仰,強推「愛國主義思想教育」,在寺院佛殿乃至僧舍掛中國國旗和中共領導人肖像;大肆開採西藏高原,強迫成千上萬的牧民遷移到城鎮邊緣;消㓕藏族語言,如青海省制訂「漢語為主,藏語為輔」的教育改革政策;加速漢人移民藏區,給予移民特殊的扶持;在全藏發展無孔不入的監控體系。三月爆發遍及全藏地的本土抗議遊行,中共派軍警血腥鎮壓,無數藏人被殺、被捕、被判刑、被失踪。(1)

自此抗爭無法形成群體模式,絕望的個體便自焚抗命。唯色解釋,藏人的佛教信仰,以及尊者達賴喇嘛一直開示非暴力原則,對整個民族形成強大的約束力,「點燃自己但不攻擊他人,自己慘死卻不與兇手同歸於盡。」(2)

從二零零九年至二零一四年十二月二十三日,己知有一百四十名藏人自焚,當中大多數是青壯年,平均年齡約二十七歲。(3)

自焚換來更嚴厲迫害。二零一二年中共啓動由上而下「反自焚專項鬥爭」(4),推行連坐式的「嚴打」整治。五月開始,藏人進入朝聖終點拉薩,需要辦「進藏許可證明」,而中國旅客僅憑著一張身份證就可以走遍處處設防的藏地。(5)

台灣特派記者:Daniel Cheung

(1)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<藏人為何抗議>,頁22-27。
(2)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<抗議為何走向自焚>,頁31。
(3)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<藏人自焚概況>,頁13。
(4)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<中國當局的「反自焚運動」>,頁81。
(5)唯色,《西藏火鳳凰》,<進藏路上的檢查站>,頁207。

(转自:樂文書店-1100[唯色《西藏火鳳凰》新書發表會]台北市水牛書店瑞安店)                                                            感谢从现场发来以下图片的朋友:

   
                           
                         
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         

2015年3月20日星期五

唯色RFA博客:被置于护照困境的藏人

转自网络:白玛娜珍博客截图。

被置于护照困境的藏人

文/唯色

前些日子,南华早报的记者从香港打电话问我:藏族作家白玛娜珍在微博上说藏族的私人护照被全民没收上交三年了,有这回事吗?

其实这是一个对我、对所有藏人来说,不成问题的问题。因为,事实即如此,现实即如此。可是,不单单外媒记者不了解,新浪微博上那些经常进藏旅游的大V们,也扮吃惊状问:有这事?对于许多中国人,藏人得不到护照或者护照被没收、扣押,都是闻所未闻的事情。

作为西藏作家协会副主席的白玛娜珍,这次算是捅破了一层窗户纸。她的在体制内有一定地位的身份,显然佐证了她的发言。2月24日,她在新浪微博上写道:

“我们藏族为什么不能出国旅游?我们的私人护照为什么被全民没收上交已有三年了,为什么还不发还我们?西藏地方政府的这种行为是违反国家宪法的,执法机关为什么不管?全中国人民都可以出国旅游,藏族人民为什么不可以?!请大家帮助我们呼吁!并祝新年快乐!扎西德勒!”

我告诉南华早报记者,首先,按中国行政区划,藏区分布于五省区(即青海省、四川省、甘肃省、云南省和西藏自治区),各藏区政策虽有所不同,但在申请办理护照方面,藏人基本上都得不到。当然也有得到护照的藏人,却是极少数的,用了很多办法的。而这些办法,对于申请护照就像网购一样轻松的许多中国人而言,称得上是匪夷所思的潜规则。

早在九年前,我写过一篇文章:《藏人为何舍命逃印度?》。那年9月30日,在紧挨珠穆朗玛峰的囊帕拉山口,发生了中国边防军枪杀越境藏人的血腥事件。一片抗议声中也有人不解,质问藏人何以非得冒险“偷渡”,而不是通过办理护照的正常渠道平安过境?

我理解这些人对于西藏真相的无知,耐心解释说:普通藏人要办护照比登天还难。层层部门的关卡,繁琐的手续,没完没了的盘查,甚至还要请客送礼。一年半载才给护照已经很走运,更有可能是不给护照。不管是在单位上班的藏人还是没有单位的居民都不好办,至于穿袈裟的僧尼更难办。既然这么困难,藏人们若想去朝圣、探亲或学习,就只有冒着生命危险翻越喜马拉雅雪山,不但要忍受一路的饥寒交迫,还要忍受各色人等的敲诈勒索,光是金钱就要损失数千上万。更可怕的是不但半途可能被抓住,关进监狱,甚至还会付出流血舍命的代价。相信谁都明白,如果能够像中国的其他国民那么容易地办护照,藏人又何必如此自讨苦吃?说到底,在这个国家,藏人得不到大多数中国国民应该享有的基本权利。

早在七年前,我还写过一篇文章:《护照制造的悲剧》。当时,安多果洛东日寺的夏里活佛因持假护照出境,在香港事发,被捕入狱,遭羁押两月。海外媒体称,他由于政治原因无法在青海取得护照,为了筹款给当地贫苦孩子兴建学校以及维修寺院,只好采用伪造的护照。而所谓的政治原因,只是与他曾去印度拜见尊者达赖喇嘛有关。另有两位拉萨居民,身患绝症的丈夫费尽辛苦才得到护照,为的是在临终前去看望在印度为僧的儿子,妻子却无论如何得不到护照。丈夫只有做出痛苦的选择,要么临死见不到儿子,要么从此与妻子永别。最终,他独自去了印度。而留在拉萨的妻子天天去护照部门乞求,仍然毫无希望,数月后等来了丈夫病故的消息。

与护照相关的伤心故事很多,这些年更是数不胜数。白玛娜珍在微博中提及的私人护照于三年前被没收上交,实际上与2012年1月,尊者达赖喇嘛在印度举办时轮金刚灌顶法会有关,当时约有上万境内藏人前去参加法会,虽然绝大多数是老人,却也令中国当局非常恼怒。2012年4月,西藏自治区当局出台新的护照审批办法,审批程序之复杂、之严苛,几乎无人能过关。

从RFA(自由亚洲电台)2013年1月20日披露的西藏自治区相关文件(《关于进一步加强我区护照受理审批签发管理工作的意见》)可知,申请护照的藏人要将申请递交给居住地的地方政府官员,经过村、乡(区)、县的各级审核,最终送到西藏自治区公安局。即便通过了漫长的审核过程,申请人还被要求签署一份文件,保证在出国之后不会从事任何“非法活动”和“危害国家”的活动。即使最终拿到护照并出国旅行,但必须在返回之后的七天内将护照送交有关当局,同时必须接受警方的询问,等等。而原本拥有护照的藏人,则要将护照上交,哪怕没有到期,并且要接受调查和甄别。虽然当局保证会换发新的护照,但三年来并没有这么做,也因此,西藏作协副主席白玛娜珍会问:为什么还不发还我们?

2012年去印度听闻尊者法会的藏人,返回藏地后都被关进了名为“学习班”的集中营,上至八十多岁,下至年轻人,受尽精神折磨不说,护照都被没收。没有去印度听闻法会的藏人也不能幸免。有的藏人不肯交出护照,以为拖延一段时间可以蒙混过去,但我所知道的就有藏人,或者在北京的国际机场,或者在昆明机场,打算过境去旅行或进货,却被当场没收护照。有藏人获得去美国读书的奖学金,有藏人想出国读博士,若有护照,这些好机会都能把握住,可是没有护照,只得痛苦放弃,遗憾终生。

我在拉萨的一个画家朋友,不愿交出护照,他的单位天天打电话催促,他急了,说再让我交护照,我就自焚。单位不再打电话,但是警察上门了。他跟我说,他想做个作品,去医院开刀从身上取块骨头,在骨头上刻下他的护照号码,再放回身体,这样到死都没人能拿走。不过他后来还是交出了护照,而且也没有开刀取骨头。一位只想做点生意的藏人跟我说,中国天天讲“中国梦”,我的“中国梦”就是护照。

白玛娜珍的那条微博已经消失了。据说是被举报,被扣帽子说“造谣”、“挑拨民族仇恨”,而且“遭中国人民众志成城严正怒斥”了。而她本人,会不会因为揭露了关于藏人无缘护照这一公开的秘密,就被“喝茶”或者警告呢?听说她只是出于想让儿子出国留学才发声的,且前提是怀着对中国的国家认同才要求公民权利的,应该没有任何受到不合理对待的理由。

而我想补充的是,在中国,实际上被陷入护照困境的,除了藏人,还有维吾尔人。

2015年3月

【转自唯色RFA博客:http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/zhuanlan/weiseblog/ws-03192015100530.html相关内容由自由亚洲电台藏语专题节目广播,转载请注明。】

2015年3月18日星期三

NYTimes - A Rare Look Into One’s Life on File in China


A Rare Look Into One’s Life on File in China

Whether it is national identification cards embedded with biometric chips or “birth permits” for expectant mothers, the Chinese are accustomed to authoritarian intrusions into their private lives.
Photo
The Tibetan writer Tsering Woeser is among the few Chinese citizens who has peered inside her dang'an, or personal file.Credit Andrew Jacobs/The New York Times
But there is another, largely invisible mechanism of social control that governs hundreds of millions of urban residents: the dang’an, or personal file, that documents matters mundane and profane. The dossiers start with a citizen’s middle-school grades, whether they play well with others and, as they become adults, list their religious affiliations, psychological problems and perceived political liabilities.
Sealed inside tawny envelopes stamped with the word dang’an in red, the Mao-era system for recording the most intimate details of life is updated by teachers, Communist Party officials and employers. Copies are kept by local archive bureaus, the police or a person’s employer.
China’s embrace of market economics — and the employment opportunities created by foreign firms and private employers — has diminished the dang’an’s power to derail careers. But for those seeking government work, including positions with state-owned enterprises and banks, an unfavorable dang’an entry can mar one’s job prospects.
In recent years, corrupt school officials have been caught selling off the files of top students. The buyers: parents of middling students, who assume their identities to apply to college.
Those whose dang’ans disappear can be thrown into a bureaucratic limbo, disrupting their educational plans and sometimes depriving them of pensions.
Peering into one’s dang’an, needless to say, is not allowed.
Four years ago, the Tibetan writer Tsering Woeser, 48, got a chance to look at her file. After she was fired from her job at the state-run Tibetan Literature Association in Lhasa — punishment for writing favorably about the Dalai Lama — Ms. Woeser asked a former colleague to help her get the file released so she could apply for medical insurance and other welfare benefits.
In a bureaucratic stroke of luck, an official at the association gave the file to Ms. Woeser’s mother.
“The file was only in my mother’s hands a few days before my work unit began calling in a panic, demanding it back,” she said in an interview in Beijing, where she lives. “My mother was so scared — people of her age usually are afraid of such things — she was almost in tears. I told her to hold on to it.”
A friend of Ms. Woeser’s, the filmmaker Zhu Rikun, was so intrigued that he hopped on a train for the 45-hour trip to Lhasa. File in hand, he returned to Beijing a few days later and proposed filming Ms. Woeser as she read her file aloud for the first time. The result, a documentary called “The Dossier,” was shown last year at several film festivals outside China.
Following are excerpts from a conversation with Ms. Woeser:
Q: It’s hard for foreigners to imagine what it’s like to have a personal file that you can never see. What’s it like for ordinary Chinese?
A.: Many of us have no idea what’s inside our dang’an, but our lives can be changed by it. It’s a terrible thing, like an invisible monster stalking you. It’s a special feature of a totalitarian regime. My file was born when I was in high school, at 15, but at the time, I don’t think any of us thought of it as scary.
What was it like for you to see yours?
I was excited since I had no idea what would be in there. It wasn’t that thick. But as I read it, I felt a sense of absurdity. I discovered myself as a 15-year-old writing things like “I love the Communist Party, I love the Communist motherland and I love our Great Leader Chairman Mao” in self-assessments.
The file also included my family’s class status, which was a good one, because my parents were both party members and my father was a soldier. My grades were all good, as were the teachers’ comments, though some said I was not always obedient.
When I started to work, there were comments like “Nice job this year, 10 renminbi (about $1.60) pay raise.” It was like they were talking about a machine, not about me. The words were terribly fake. Even at work, we had to write personal assessments, and one year, I wrote that I was a Buddhist, which was a very dangerous thing to say, but I said it anyway. Later, I declared that I had left the job voluntarily, although the truth is I was fired. That was the end of the file.
Anything else notable?
The biggest embarrassment was in my self-assessment at work when I wrote, “I love the Communist Party and whenever the party comes to mind, it always reminds me of its kindness to ethnic minorities. [Laughs] I will dedicate my knowledge to the Great Party.”
Clearly my personal sentiments have changed greatly. Seeing my dang’an helped me revisit my past and see how pathetic we were, these 15- and 16-year-olds, saying formulaic things about our love for the motherland, and not permitted to express ourselves. It was a process of turning us into machines, devoid of free spirit or individuality. That’s why I was fired from my job, because the Communist Party does not tolerate the truth. I didn’t want to be a machine, so I spoke the truth. Now that I’ve left the system, my soul is free, and I’m happy.
But you are not totally free, right? You can’t leave China, you are frequently placed under house arrest or questioned by the police.
True, I’m in perilous situation. I’ve been trying to get a passport since 2005, but they won’t give it to me. They said it’s because I’m on the Ministry of Public Security’s list, and that I’m a danger to national security.
Is it safe to assume there is another dossier that picks up where your old one left off?
Yes, and that file must be very thick, because every time I’m “summoned to tea” with the police, they dutifully take notes, endlessly scribbling. And when we’re done, they even ask for my signature, though I refuse.
I’d like to read that file, but I might have to wait until the collapse of the Communist regime. I don’t know what I would find but maybe I’d be saddened. I think, just like in East Germany before the fall of Berlin Wall, there would be many informers, including relatives and friends. When I returned to Lhasa last year, I counted 50 friends and relatives, just locally, who said they had been summoned to have tea with the police. One friend said he had even been beaten. Others have been roughed up, simply because they are my friends. It makes me feel very guilty.
Patrick Zuo contributed research.
http://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/03/15/a-rare-look-into-ones-life-on-file-in-china/?smid=tw-nytimesworld&_r=0

2015年3月14日星期六

唯色:来自境内祈祝尊者八十大寿的视频

2015年2月19日,藏历木羊新年第一天的赛格寺。

来自境内祈祝尊者八十大寿的视频

文/唯色

图伯特藏历木羊新年与中国农历春节相撞同一天,即公历(或西历)2月19日。第二天,从Facebook上看到一个来自境内藏地的视频。确切地说,来自安多阿坝(今四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州阿坝县)。

我如何用文字来描述这个令人惊讶丶令人鼓舞的伟大视频呢?它展现的是在阿坝县四十二座藏传寺院之一的赛格寺,属于觉囊派重要寺院,位于阿坝县城以东一公里的哇尔玛乡,在藏历新年第一天,迎来了超过三千多的藏人。这么多的男女老少,穿着藏装,捧着哈达,排着长队,以恭敬而庄重的姿态,由穿绛红色袈裟的僧侣引向供奉在主殿前的法座。而华丽的法座则供奉着尊者达赖喇嘛的巨幅法像,看上去与尊者本人等身大小,就像是尊者穿法会袈裟,安坐法座,微笑注视着每位虔敬奉献哈达的藏人。场面宏大,哈达敬献法像,激动的男女老少念诵祈愿文,祈愿嘉瓦仁波切(藏语对尊者达赖喇嘛的尊称)永久住世,早日返回雪域。并向空中抛洒“隆达”,印有祈祷经文的五色纸片纷纷扬扬,伴随着呼喊“博加洛”(西藏必胜)的声音,以及牧民们呼唤胜利而发出的“嘎嗨嗨”。

我有点紧张。因为这“嘎嗨嗨”的呼啸声,在2008年3月的抗议中响彻拉萨丶康区和安多,被中国官媒形容为“狼嚎”,甚至有藏人仅仅因为喊过“嘎嗨嗨”而被捕判刑。

全藏许多寺院与藏人家庭祈祝尊者永久住世。

在现场拍摄视频的藏人向外界介绍说,这是一个无比勇敢的表达崇敬和效忠的公开行动,以庆祝尊者达赖喇嘛于2015年安享八十大寿。图伯特本来就有庆祝佛法上师与父母长辈八十大寿的传统。尊者达赖喇嘛是图伯特的至尊依怙主,尊者的八十大寿是所有虔信藏人生活中的大事。于是在新年第一天,由安多阿坝藏人启动了向尊者表达崇敬和效忠的庆祝大典。其实包括安多和康的许多藏地,即位于今中国行政区划的青海丶甘肃丶四川三省藏地,不少寺院与乡村,诸多藏人家庭,都在举行不同形式的祝寿活动。

但在新年前,据青海和甘肃藏区的藏人披露,中国当局已经由上至下地传达禁令。其中一个发布在网络上的消息说:“村委书记讲上级领导说:今年(2015年)是嘉瓦仁波切八十大寿,可能藏人会捐钱之类的。你们千万不要干这种事,谁做了就抓谁(青海话逮捕的意思)。有意思的是,就这样让我让这些无知的村民知道了今年是(尊者的)八十大寿。全场沉默不语,相信一定在祈祷长寿。”

2008年6月初我看见的赛格寺。

第143位自焚藏人:诺秀。
而赛格寺,记得2008年6月初我曾到过这座寺院,一片空寂。一位老僧告诉我,在三月的抗议被镇压中,阿坝县城里打死29人,赛格寺附近打死1人,格尔登寺有2个僧人自杀,果芒寺有1个僧人自杀。一个阿坝青年告诉我,赛格寺有100多僧人被拘捕。而2009年3月1日,赛格寺有五十多位僧人举行过抗议。从2009年迄今的140位自焚抗议藏人中,以阿坝县最多,为37人。令人伤悲的是,2015年3月5日(即藏历木羊新年1月15日)夜里,阿坝县的47岁牧民妇女诺秀自焚牺牲,她在自焚之前供奉千元丶花朵给寺院,请求为尊者达赖喇嘛永久住世并早日返回西藏举办祈愿法会,她有父母丶丈夫及两个女儿丶一个儿子。至此,藏人自焚143人。

2015年3月

(本文为自由亚洲特约评论,相关内容由自由亚洲电台藏语专题节目广播,转载请注明。)

延伸阅读:

视频:Smuggled Video Shows The Dalai Lama’s 80th Birth Year Celebrations In Tibet
བོད་མདོ་སྨད་རྔ་བ་ཇོ་ནང་དགོན་པའི་ལྷ་སྡེ་སེར་སྐྱ་མང་ཚོགས་ཀྱིས་བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་ཚེས་གཅིག་ཉིན། ༧གོང་ས་སྐྱབས་མགོན་ཆེན་པོ་་དགུང་གྲངས་བརྒྱད་ཅུར་ཕེབས་པའི་སྐུའི་གྱ་སྟོན་སྲུང་བཙི་ཞུས་ཡོད་པ། https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=807730662596054&pnref=story

2015年3月12日星期四

纽约时报:中国要求达赖喇嘛必须转世(英中文)


China’s Tensions With Dalai Lama Spill Into the Afterlife
By CHRIS BUCKLEY March 12, 2015
http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20150312/c12dalailama/en-us/

Chinese Communist Party leaders are deathly afraid that the Dalai Lama will not have an afterlife. Worried enough that this week, officials repeatedly warned that he must reincarnate, and on their terms.

Tensions over what will happen when the aging 14th Dalai Lama dies, and particularly over who decides who will succeed him as the most prominent leader in Tibetan Buddhism, have ignited at the annual gathering of China’s legislators in Beijing. Officials have amplified their argument that the Communist government is the proper guardian of the Dalai Lama’s succession through an intricate process of reincarnation that has involved lamas, or senior monks, visiting a sacred lake and divining dreams.

Party functionaries were incensed by the exiled Dalai Lama’s recent speculation that he might end his spiritual lineage and not reincarnate, confounding the Chinese government’s plans to engineer a succession that would produce a putative 15th Dalai Lama who accepts its presence and policies in Tibet. Their anger welled up on Wednesday, as it had a day earlier.

Zhu Weiqun, a Communist Party official who has long dealt with Tibetan issues, told reporters in Beijing on Wednesday that the Dalai Lama had, essentially, no say over whether he was reincarnated. That was ultimately for the Chinese government to decide, he said, according to a transcript of his comments on the website of People’s Daily, the party’s main newspaper.

“Decision-making power over the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama, and over the end or survival of this lineage, resides in the central government of China,” said Mr. Zhu, formerly a deputy head of the United Front Department of the Communist Party, which oversees dealings with religious and other nonparty groups. He now leads the ethnic and religious affairs committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, an advisory body that meets at the same time as the legislature, or National People’s Congress.

Mr. Zhu accused the Dalai Lama of trampling on sacred traditions.

“In religious terms, this is a betrayal of the succession of Dalai Lamas in Tibetan Buddhism,” he said.

“The 14th Dalai Lama has taken an extremely frivolous and disrespectful attitude towards this issue,” Mr. Zhu continued. “Where in the world is there anyone else who takes such a frivolous attitude towards his own succession?”

The sight of Communist Party officials defending the precepts of reincarnation and hurling accusations of heresy at the Dalai Lama might have Marx turning in his grave. The party is committed to atheism in its ranks, though it accepts religious belief in the public. And President Xi Jinping has declared his fealty to Marxist-Leninist dialectical materialism. But the dispute over reincarnation has profound implications for Tibet, where the Dalai Lama remains widely revered more than half a century after he fled into exile in 1959.

“I don’t think the Dalai Lama would mind if you saw this through the prism of Monty Python,” Robert Barnett, director of the modern Tibetan studies program at Columbia University, said in a telephone interview. “But he is reminding the Chinese that, from his perspective and the perspective of probably nearly all Tibetans, the Chinese don’t really have a credible role in deciding these things.”

The Dalai Lama has not commented on the latest warnings from China. But Lobsang Sangay, the prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile, based in Dharamsala, northern India, was scathing on Tuesday, after the governor of the Tibetan autonomous region, Padma Choling, told reporters in Beijing that the Dalai Lama had profaned the Tibetan Buddhist faith by suggesting he might not be reincarnated.

“It’s like Fidel Castro saying, ‘I will select the next pope and all the Catholics should follow.’ That is ridiculous,” Lobsang Sangay told Reuters on Tuesday. “It’s none of Padma Choling or any of the Communist Party’s business, mainly because Communism believes in atheism and religion being poisonous.”

The Dalai Lama turns 80 in July, and as he has advanced in years, he and the Chinese government have both probably kept in mind the example of the succession of Panchen Lama, another senior figure in Tibetan Buddhism. After the 10th Panchen Lama died in 1989, the Dalai Lama confirmed a boy in Tibet as the next reincarnation in 1995. But the Chinese government hid away that boy and his parents and installed its own choice as the Panchen Lama. The Dalai Lama has indicated that he does not want to experience the same fate.

“Whether the institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not is up to the Tibetan people,” the Dalai Lama said in an interview with the BBC in December. “There is no guarantee that some stupid Dalai Lama won’t come next, who will disgrace himself or herself. That would be very sad. So, much better that a centuries-old tradition should cease at the time of a quite popular Dalai Lama.”

Since 1995, the Chinese authorities have claimed an increasingly active role in the succession of the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan Buddhist leaders, Mr. Barnett said. Under the Qing dynasty, he said, the Manchu emperors who ruled China maintained a limited role in confirming the succession of the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan Buddhist leaders, but the Communist Party has demanded an increasingly hands-on role in intricate, often lengthy rituals of succession.

“They finally ended up with the state deciding whether people could reincarnate,” he said. “The lamas are left with a role that is in a way token in that process.”

Tibetans are sure to reject any future putative Dalai Lama handpicked by the Chinese government, Dicki Chhoyang, the head of the Department of Information and International Relations of the Tibetan government-in-exile in Dharamsala, said in a telephone interview.

“The person selected by the Chinese government is just as much a victim of the situation as anyone, so there’s nothing personal held against that person,” she said. “Communism, in theory, is atheist, so we’re just like this is too much.”

Tibetans, however, remain convinced that the Dalai Lama will ultimately continue his lineage of leading monks of the Gelugpa school of Tibetan Buddhism, a succession that dates from the 14th century, Mr. Barnett said. The Dalai Lama’s warnings that the succession might end, he said, are best understood as a way of encouraging Tibetans to focus on the issue and the options.

“The Tibetan people would never have faith in a so-called reincarnation appointed by the Chinese government,” Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan author based in Beijing who is critical of Beijing’s policies in her homeland, said in an online interview. “But I believe that the Dalai Lama will reincarnate.”

中国要求达赖喇嘛必须转世
储百亮 2015年03月12日
http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20150312/c12dalailama/

中国共产党领导人生怕达赖喇嘛没有来世。担心程度之高,以至于官员们本周多次警告达赖喇嘛,他必须转世,且要按他们的条件来转世。

面对年事渐高的十四世达赖喇嘛去世后将会发生什么、尤其是由什么人来决定谁将接替他成为藏传佛教最重要领袖的问题,有关的紧张气氛在中国立法者一年一度的北京聚会上爆发了。官员们加强了他们的主张,即共产党政府才是达赖喇嘛继位权的正当监护人。达赖喇嘛的继任是经过一个精细复杂的过程产生的,其中涉及喇嘛(或高僧)造访圣湖及占梦等活动。

流亡的达赖喇嘛近期称,他可能结束自己的精神世系,不再转世,这激怒了共产党官员,因为这搅乱了中国政府的计划,政府想通过控制继位程序,来产生一位由其指定的、接受其西藏统治和政策的十五世达赖喇嘛。他们的愤怒情绪在周三涌现出来,前一天也有所表现。

一直负责处理西藏事务的共产党官员朱维群周三在北京对记者说,达赖喇嘛在自己是否转世的问题上基本上没有发言权。据一份党的主要报纸《人民日报》网站上该官员答记者问的全文,他说,这件事最终要由中国政府决定。

“达赖喇嘛的转世也好,这个世系的废存也好,决定权在于中国的中央政府,”朱维群说。他曾任共产党统战部常务副部长,该部负责监管与宗教团体及其他非党团体的往来。朱维群现在是全国人民政治协商会议民族宗教委员会的领导人。全国政协是一个与中国立法机构全国人民代表大会同时开会的咨询机构。

朱维群指责达赖喇嘛践踏神圣传统。

他说,“(这)是宗教上对藏传佛教达赖喇嘛世系的背叛。”

“十四世达赖对这个问题采取了一种非常不严肃的、非常不尊重的态度,”朱维群继续说道。“世界上还有这样一个对自己的传承采取这样一种不严肃态度的人吗?”

共产党官员捍卫轮回规范、猛烈抨击达赖喇嘛异端的情景也许会让马克思不能在坟墓中安息。共产党要求其官员信仰无神论,但允许公众的宗教信仰。国家主席习近平曾宣布他效忠于马克思列宁主义的辩证唯物论。但是,轮回问题之争对西藏有深远影响,达赖喇嘛1959年逃亡之后的半个多世纪里,他在那里仍广受敬仰。

哥伦比亚大学(Columbia University)现代藏学研究项目(Modern Tibet Studies Program)主任罗伯特·巴尼特(Robert Barnett)在接受电话采访时说,“我觉得,如果你用巨蟒喜剧团(Monty Python)的角度来看这个问题,达赖喇嘛是不会介意的。但是,他在提醒中国人,从他的角度、以及可能是几乎所有藏人的角度来看,中国人在决定这些事情上,真起不了令人信服的作用。”

达赖喇嘛对来自中国的最新警告尚未发表评论。但是,位于印度北部达兰萨拉的西藏流亡政府总理洛桑森格周二无情地驳斥了西藏自治区主席白玛赤林的话,白玛赤林在北京对记者说,达赖喇嘛曾表示他可能不会转世,那是对藏传佛教信仰的亵渎。

洛桑森格周二对路透社说,“这就像菲德尔·卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)说,‘我将选择下一任教皇,所有的天主教徒必须遵从’一样,这很荒唐。这件事与白玛赤林或共产党没有任何关系,主要是因为共产主义信仰无神论,认为宗教毒害人民。”

达赖喇嘛今年七月将满80岁,随着自己年事渐高,他与中国政府大概都把藏传佛教的另一位高僧班禅喇嘛继位的例子记在心里。十世班禅喇嘛于1989年去世后,达赖喇嘛曾在1995年确定了一位西藏男孩为下一位转世的班禅喇嘛,但中国政府把那个男孩及其父母藏了起来,把政府自己的选择任命为班禅喇嘛。达赖喇嘛表示,他不希望遭受同样的命运。

“达赖喇嘛的制度是否应该继续,要由西藏人民来决定,”达赖喇嘛去年12月接受BBC采访时说。“没有人能保证,今后不会出现一位愚钝的达赖喇嘛,令其本人蒙羞。那将非常可悲。因此,最好让这一古老传统终结于一个备受欢迎的达赖喇嘛身上。”

巴内特说,自1995年以来,中国当局在达赖喇嘛以及其他藏传佛教领袖的继任问题上宣称的作用越来越积极。他说,清朝时,统治中国的满清皇帝保持了确认达赖喇嘛和其他藏传佛教领袖继任人选的有限作用,但共产党在挑选继任的复杂且往往漫长的程序中,要求起越来越直接的作用。

他说,“他们最终做出了由国家来决定人是否可以再生的事情。喇嘛们在这个过程中的作用只剩下某种程度上的象征。”

位于达兰萨拉的西藏流放政府信息与国际关系部负责人德吉曲央(Dicki Chhoyang)在接受电话采访时说,藏人一定会拒绝承认任何由中国政府精心挑选指定的达赖喇嘛。

她说,“由中国政府选定的人,与这种情况下的任何人一样,都是受害者,所以对其本人没有什么可指责的。共产主义在理论上是无神论,所以我们认为,这样做实在是太过分了。”

但是,巴内特说,藏人仍确信,达赖喇嘛最终将继续其领导格鲁派藏传佛教僧侣的世系,该世系的沿袭回溯到14世纪。他说,达赖喇嘛有关世系可能终结的警告,最好理解为他鼓励藏人关注有关问题和选择的一种方式。

住在北京的藏族作家次仁唯色经常批评中央政府在自己家乡实施的政策,她在接受在线采访时说,“西藏人民永远不会信任由中央政府任命的所谓转世化身。但我认为,达赖喇嘛会转世。”【唯色注:记者储百亮先生问的是“中国政府”,我回答的也是“中国政府”,我们都没有说“中央政府”。纽时的中文翻译为什么将英文原文中我说的“the Chinese government” 翻译成“中央政府”?把“中国政府”翻译成“中央政府”完全变味,实际上是一个原则性的问题。】

储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》记者。
翻译:Cindy Hao

延伸阅读:

记者会“政协委员谈促进民生改善与社会和谐稳定”http://live.people.com.cn/note.php?id=1077150302125559_ctdzb_034

(其中,朱维群说:“最近几年,达赖喇嘛在国际上串访,拜见他的人越来越少,包括一些外国的国家领导人,和他见面越来越少了。有些人不知好歹,在这种情况下还和达赖喇嘛见面、吃饭,实际上他们是掉分的,尤其是在中国老百姓的心目当中,这样的人是掉分的。同时,国际的新闻界对达赖喇嘛的关注度也越来越低,固然我们不希望达赖喇嘛在国际上串访,因为他的表演而影响了我们和有关国家良好的关系。……最近达赖喇嘛高调宣称他不再转世,不再转世不说,他还宣称达赖喇嘛世系要停止,实际这是一种双重背叛。第一种,他在政治上是对祖国的背叛,因为我们知道,达赖喇嘛的转世需要经过一系列的历史定制、宗教仪轨,而这个历史定制、宗教仪轨每一个环节都包括了必须向当时的中央政府报告,得到当时的中国中央政府的批准。没有中国中央政府的批准和承认,所有这些都是非法的,由此产生的所谓的达赖喇嘛也是非法的。可以这样说,达赖喇嘛的转世也好,这个世系的废存也好,决定权在于中国的中央政府,不在任何人,包括不在达赖喇嘛本人。 第二种背叛,是宗教上对藏传佛教达赖喇嘛世系的背叛……”)

美联社报道我采访我父亲拍摄的西藏文革照片

Secret historians preserve past in China amid state amnesia
By Jack Chang And Isolda Morillo Associated Press
POSTED: 03/11/2015 01:10:04 AM MDTADD A COMMENT

In this Jan. 21, 2015 photo, Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan poet, shows an old photo of Buddhist priests parade with a photo of late Chinese leader Mao Zedong in the far western region of Tibet, which was taken by her father during the Cultural Revolution, at her home on the outskirt of Beijing. Woeser said she had wondered as a girl why her father had taken photos of the destruction in the region, especially since he had been sent there as a Chinese soldier in the 1960s to help tighten the government?s hold. Later, she said, she herself returned to track down the people captured in those photos. "A lot of people have already died,? she said. ?So I think this is a very urgent thing. Because memory is important to people, and if the person is there, the memory is there. If the person isn?t there, then the memory has disappeared.? (AP Photo/Andy Wong) (Andy Wong/AP)









美联社的文字报道:http://www.denverpost.com/breakingnews/ci_27688437/secret-historians-preserve-past-china-amid-state-amnesia?source=infinite

美联社的图片报道:http://www.heraldpalladium.com/news/wire/asia/secret-historians-preserve-past-in-china-amid-state-amnesia/article_1822407f-449c-531f-8f3b-7eb09150e56d.html?mode=image

BEIJING (AP) — In his small ground-floor apartment just a few blocks from Beijing's landmark Bird's Nest stadium, Chinese language teacher, writer and do-it-yourself documentary maker Xu Xing is urgently preserving what he can of China's forbidden past.

Traveling usually by himself all over the country, the tall 58-year-old has recorded hours of interviews with everyday Chinese who were jailed, sometimes for years, on the barest of political charges during the decade-long spasm of social chaos known as the Cultural Revolution. Xu has edited that footage into documentaries that he only shows to those he trusts, in living rooms and coffee houses, preserving for history memories kept secret for decades.

"I want it so that this never happens in China again, so this is my tireless job," Xu said on a recent afternoon sitting at his kitchen-top editing bay. "I tell the people I interview, 'Clearly, I can't bring you any money or other reward. The main thing I do is let other people know your story.'"

With the ruling Communist Party zealously enforcing its own version of Chinese history, Xu's truth-telling is nothing less than an act of defiance. The government has largely succeeded in erasing or playing down whole swaths of Communist-era history by controlling what's talked about in the country's classrooms, museums and books, as well as in other areas of public life.


Ask the average Chinese under the age of 30 about the 1989 massacre of pro-democracy student activists centered in Beijing's Tiananmen Square, which scholars say claimed the lives of at hundreds of protesters and bystanders, and the answer will likely be ignorance or at best vague recognition. The same amnesia cloaks other dark periods of 20th-century Chinese history such as the catastrophic famines of the late 1950s, widely blamed on the government's push to rapidly industrialize, and the Cultural Revolution, which persecuted millions from 1966 to 1976.

Fu King-Wa, a journalism and media studies professor at the University of Hong Kong, said many of his students from mainland China learned of the Tiananmen massacre for the first time through his lectures.

Hong Kong, a semi-autonomous Chinese city, enjoys more freedom compared to the mainland, where Chinese who research and publicize the past on their own are often censored or jailed for causing trouble.

"This is authoritarian control of people's access to information. They want to create a unified version of how to understand this historical issue," Fu said.

Xu and other secret historians have taken it upon themselves to preserve photos, interview eyewitnesses and do the archival work that the Chinese government has banned most historians inside the country from doing.

You Weijie, whose husband died in the Tiananmen massacre, has conducted interviews with relatives of more than 40 other victims and stored the audio and video recordings overseas. Some are available online.

Tsering Woeser held onto dozens of her father's old photos of the Chinese military destroying temples and persecuting Buddhist priests and officials in the far western region of Tibet during the Cultural Revolution. In 2006, a Taiwan-based publisher put out a book of the photos.

Others in China run underground history magazines or preserve their memories of China's forbidden past in paintings.

These secret historians are exposed to police surveillance and, in many cases, to near-poverty, because they have little opportunity to make a living from their work.

Woeser, You and Xu said they were aware of the dangers they invited by speaking to The Associated Press, but said they had already been the targets of police scrutiny and were willing to run the additional risk.

"They're afraid of this," Xu said of Chinese authorities. "They don't let anybody see this. This is their crime."

The Chinese government's concerns about historical revision was spelled out in what was believed to be a confidential party document leaked to the public in 2013 and first printed in a Hong Kong newspaper.

The document called out critics who consider the Chinese Communist Party to be "a continuous series of mistakes," and warned that "historical nihilism" rejecting the party's version of history "is tantamount to denying the legitimacy of the CCP's long-term political dominance."

For China's secret historians, however, documenting that history is the only way to make sure its tragedies aren't repeated.

Woeser, a Tibetan poet, said she had wondered as a girl why her father had taken photos of the destruction in the region, especially since he had been sent there as a Chinese soldier in the 1960s to help tighten the government's hold. Later, she said, she herself returned to track down the people captured in those photos.

"A lot of people have already died," she said, seated beside a private altar she's built to the exiled Tibetan leader the Dalai Lama. "So I think this is a very urgent thing. Because memory is important to people, and if the person is there, the memory is there. If the person isn't there, then the memory has disappeared."

At different times, Woeser has been placed under house arrest for her work. You said she has also been placed under surveillance; police are permanently stationed on the ground floor of her apartment building. Xu is often stopped and questioned by local police while tracking down Cultural Revolution survivors.

What they find and record often clashes with how the Chinese government memorializes the country's tumultuous history since 1949, when the Communist Party seized control after a brutal civil war.

In the government's telling, the student protesters who filled Tiananmen Square demanding political reforms were launching a "counterrevolutionary riot," and only 300 or so were killed, as opposed to about 1,000 victims counted by other sources. The famines sparked by the Great Leap Forward of the 1950s, which scholars believe claimed upward of 30 million lives, are known in official versions as "three years of natural disaster," with at most a few million perishing.

The Chinese government has acknowledged some fault for the Cultural Revolution, saying the political purges were "responsible for the most severe setback and the heaviest losses ... since the founding of the People's Republic." Still, the period is rarely mentioned in Chinese media, and few relics of the time appear outside private collections.

That amnesia comes at an enormous price, and not just for victims who have yet to see justice or compensation, said Xun Zhou, a history professor at the University of Essex who has interviewed hundreds of rural Chinese about the famines of the Great Leap Forward and other historical events.

Avoiding that history has prevented any move toward the kind of reconciliation that in other societies has helped heal historical wounds, she said.

"If you're going to have reconciliation, you have to talk about things in the open, you have to face these unresolved historical issues," Xun said. "Now, there's no national memory of history. There's only individual memory, no collective memory."

Rowena He, a Harvard University lecturer who has documented the Tiananmen massacre and its aftermath, said those unresolved tensions and that aversion to historical accounting have helped shape the China of today. The 1989 crackdown, in particular, and its subsequent removal from national memory taught Chinese not only to distrust politics but to fear history, He said.

"With Tiananmen, they didn't just twist facts, they twisted the values," she said. "Cynicism, detachment, materialism, it really changed the Chinese compact and the way people see themselves."

You said she has devoted herself to her archival work so that the 1989 massacre and its victims, including her late husband, Yang Minghu, aren't forgotten by Chinese society and the world.

Yang, then a 42-year-old civil servant, rode his bicycle to Tiananmen Square on the night of the massacre after he heard gunfire. He ended up being shot in the bladder and dying two days later, leaving behind You and their young son.

You has since joined up with other relatives of massacre victims to track down others who can testify about the bloodshed — with confiscation of her materials or worse a constant threat.

"Even though we're weak because we don't have power," You said, "we don't want to let these things disappear and let history drown them."

2015年3月10日星期二

顶礼143盏奉献给图伯特的供灯!




201535日(即藏历木羊新年115日)夜里,阿坝县Trotsik47岁牧民妇女诺秀自焚牺牲,她在自焚之前供奉千元、花朵给寺院,请求为尊者达赖喇嘛永久住世并早日返回西藏而举办祈愿法会,她有父母、丈夫及两个女儿、一个儿子。至此,藏人自焚143境内藏人自焚136人。

2015年3月10日(1959年3月10日五十六周年)记。

2015年3月7日星期六

唯色RFA博客:献给所有自焚藏人:《西藏火凤凰》


献给所有自焚藏人:《西藏火凤凰》


唯色

这个月:3月,对于西藏具有特殊意义的、被视为“敏感”的时间段;在台湾,使用中文语言的另一个世界,拥有高品质的大块文化,出版、发行了我的新书:《西藏火凤凰》。

《西藏火凤凰》是一本献给所有自焚藏人的书。事实上,这本书的主体部分,是为法国Indigène éditions出版社写的,于201310月在巴黎出版,法文版名为《Immolations in Tibet: The shame of the world》,意即:西藏的自焚—世界的耻辱。虽然只有短短的两万多字,译成法文四万多字,但我心力交瘁地写作了整整两个月,原因无他,那么多藏人将宝贵的生命付诸于奉献与抗议的火焰,人世间任何语言对此的描述与评价都是苍白无力的。

而《西藏火凤凰》除了这部分文字,还补充了三个附录,包括自焚藏人名单、藏人自焚抗议概况,以及自焚藏人遗言。另外,还补充了一些可以提供更多背景以使读者了解的故事,包括自焚藏人的身世,中国政府的媒体宣传、“种族隔离”政策等等。如此,这本书约六万字。并且,还收录了一直在用绘画的方式,为自焚藏人立传的两位艺术家的画作:井早智代,日本人,她的绘画是诗意的,充满悲伤与怀念;刘毅,中国人,他的绘画是一幅幅自焚者具有尊严的肖像。

无论是最初的法文版,还是即将出版的中文版,著名艺术家艾未未提供了封面设计。我认为他不只是这个世界上最卓越的艺术家,还是伟大的人权卫士、自由战士。我在书中引述了他关于藏人自焚的评论:“西藏是拷问中国、国际社会人权和公正标准的最严厉问卷,没有人可以回避,可以绕过去。目前为止,没有人不受辱蒙羞。”而在他的有着重要意义的封面设计上可以看到,所有自焚藏人的名字用藏文记录其上;中间的一朵火焰壮丽,充满奉献的美而非惨烈的苦;洁净的封面宛如西藏洁白的哈达,以献给所有自焚藏人。

大块文化准确地理解并解释了封面设计概念:艾未未的封面上烫印的藏人名字,只有在某些角度才看得到,这象征着他们在这本书中的在场与缺席。就如同他们在所有被自焚悲剧影响的人们的心里,存在,也不存在。

无论是最初的法文版,还是即将出版的中文版,实际上皆是作为记录者的我,对六年来持发生的藏人自焚事件所做的一种竭力的解释、沉痛的分析和直率的批评。当然,批评针对的是不义的中共当局以及向不义妥协的世界。正如我在序中所写:“从扎白的自焚开始,我记录下每一位自焚者的情况,发布于我的博客。一如2008年西藏抗议运动期间,我每天用博客发布各地的事件。但我无论如何也没有预料到后来会有这么多藏人以身浴火,以致一种新的抗议形式正在出现。我更没有预料到,我的记录常常追不上一个个生命被烈火燃烧的速度。至2014415日,已知135位藏人自焚,可谓人类历史罕见,其惨烈难以描述。在西藏的历史上,尤其在西藏的当代史上,从未有如此众多的遍及城镇与乡村的藏人焚身明志。一首反对种族隔离、呼吁争取自由的英语歌曲《Biko》流传多年,正可以作为写照。歌中唱到:‘你可以吹灭蜡烛,但你吹不灭大火;火焰一旦燃起,风将吹它更高。’”

而书名《西藏火凤凰》则取意凤凰涅槃,浴火重生。无论在西方还是东方的神话里,火凤凰是不死神鸟,每每自焚为烬,再从灰烬中重生,成为永生。虽然西藏文化中没有涅槃的凤凰,只有护卫佛法的神灵,但火凤凰的象征含义是广泛的,都能理解。正如前苏联诗人茨维塔耶娃的诗句:

我是凤凰,只在烈火中歌唱!
请你们珍惜我高贵的生命!
我熊熊燃烧,我烧成灰烬!
但愿你们的黑夜能变得光明!


201531日,北京